第111集：伊斯兰前的阿拉伯

这是阿拉伯历史上的一个极其重要的发展。

This was an extremely important development for the history of Arabia.

无论希木叶尔王国实践的是何种形式的犹太教，到公元五世纪中叶，该王国已对阿拉伯半岛大部分地区拥有霸权。

Whatever exact form of Judaism was being practiced in the Himyarite Kingdom, the kingdom had hegemony over much of the Arabian Peninsula by the mid four hundreds.

当希木叶尔人控制着希贾兹的大部分地区——即阿拉伯半岛的中西部海岸时，他们还通过附庸国王统治着两个主要部落区域。

While the Himyarites had control over much of the Hejaz, again, the Central West Coast Of Arabia, they also ruled over two major tribal areas, probably by means of client kings.

其中第一个是现代沙特阿拉伯的地区，肯达王朝是后来伊斯兰传统中的重要人物。

The first of these was the region of modern day Saudi Arabia, and the Kindah kings are important figures in later Islamic traditions.

希木叶尔人似乎还控制了第二个部落区域，即位于今天沙特阿拉伯中部东部的马德部。

The second tribal area the Himyarites seemed to have controlled was that of the Mad in the Central Eastern region of today's Saudi Arabia.

到四世纪时，希木叶尔人似乎还对一个名为穆达尔的北部阿拉伯联盟拥有主权。

The Himyarites, by the April, also seemed to have had sovereignty over a northern Arab coalition called the Mudar.

这一联盟包括了前伊斯兰时代阿拉伯最著名的部落——古莱什部落，也就是穆罕默德的部落。

This coalition included the most famous of all pre Islamic tribes of ancient Arabia, the Quraysh, which was Muhammad's tribe.

我们不知道在公元四世纪末至五世纪期间，希木叶尔王国实践的是何种形式的犹太教，也不清楚这种宗教在希木叶尔核心地区——即今天的也门——各阶层中的渗透程度如何。

We don't know what form of Judaism was being practiced by the Himyarite kingdom at the end of the three hundreds and throughout the four hundreds or how much the religion had saturated saturated various classes in the Himyarite epicenter of modern day Yemen.

小规模的希木叶尔帝国几乎可以肯定是宗教多元的。

The small Himyarite empire was almost certainly religiously diverse.

公元三世纪时，现代也门的许多公民至少信奉犹太教的一些教义，最重要的是单一神论。

An important body of citizens in modern day Yemen in the March held at least some of the tenets of Judaism, most importantly monotheism.

在希木叶尔帝国的边远地区，即由附庸国王统治的部落区域，人们信奉各种本土的多神教宗教。

In outlying areas of the Himyarite Empire, those tribal areas ruled over by client kings, people practiced various indigenous polytheistic religions.

尽管希木叶尔帝国在犹太教一神论与阿拉伯本土多神教之间保持着一种连续性，但随着三、四世纪的推移，以古代也门为中心的希木叶尔帝国也逐渐成为越来越多基督徒的家园。

And while the Himyarite Empire practiced a continuum between Judaic monotheism and indigenous Arabian polytheism, as the March and April wore on, the Himyarite Empire based in ancient Yemen also became home to a growing number of Christians.

到公元四世纪时，阿拉伯人的宗教信仰和民族身份开始引起基督教作家的关注。

By the year April, the religiosity and ethnic identity of Arabs was becoming a source of interest to Christian writers.

在有关东方的圣徒传记和历史中，阿拉伯人或萨拉森人逐渐成为刻板角色——骑着骆驼的野蛮人，危险而易变，却容易被虔诚的修士或圣徒感化。

In hagiographies and histories concerning the East, Arabs or Saracens slowly emerge as stock characters, barbarians astride camels, dangerous and volatile, but easily converted by a devout monk or saint.

圣杰罗姆在他的关于修士马尔库斯的小说中，将他们描述为：'骑在马上的以实玛利人，身体半裸，前来并非作战，而是劫掠。'

Saint Jerome, in his novella about the monk, Malchus, described them as, quote, Ishmaelites on horses, their bodies half naked, who had come not to fight but to plunder, close quote.

这里的'以实玛利人'一词指的是亚伯拉罕被放逐的长子的后裔，他的子孙们成为从现代伊拉克延伸至埃及地区的部落首领。

The word Ishmaelites here refers to the descendants of Abraham's older exiled son whose own sons became chieftains in a territory that stretched from modern day Iraq to Egypt.

在《圣经》中，这是一个强调以撒后裔更具合法性的意识形态故事。

In the bible, an ideological tale emphasizing the greater legitimacy of Isaac's descendants.

无论被称为萨拉森人还是以实玛利人，伊斯兰教之前的基督教文献中的阿拉伯人通常被视为强大的异乡人，却极易被基督教奇迹所折服。

Whether they are called Saracens or Ishmaelites, Arabs in pre Islamic Christian texts are generally formidable strangers, nonetheless, easily bowled over by displays of Christian miracles.

五世纪关于圣徒阿提米乌斯和西蒙的圣徒传记记录了在罗马阿拉伯行省及其周边地区的传教活动和修道院的建立。

Fifth century hagiographies of the saints, Athimius and Simeon, record missionary work and the foundation of monasteries in and around the Roman province of Arabia.

尽管在四月及之后，半岛西北部靠近罗马的地区发生了基督教皈依，但在如今巴林附近的马祖恩行省也发生了基督教皈依。

And while Christian conversions proceeded in the April and after in the Northwest of the peninsula closest to Rome, Christian conversions also proceeded in province of Mazun around present day Bahrain.

刚才我们了解到，犹太难民在公元一、二世纪与罗马帝国发生冲突后迁徙到阿拉伯半岛及更广泛的波斯帝国。

A moment ago, we learned that Jewish refugees immigrated to the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Empire more generally following conflicts with the Roman Empire in the first and second centuries.

同样，在公元最初的几个世纪，现代的叙利亚、伊拉克和沙特阿拉伯也成为遭受其他基督徒迫害的基督教宗教难民的避难所。

Similarly, during the first few centuries CE, modern day Syria, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia also became home to Christian religious refugees being persecuted by other Christians.

这些难民中最著名的是聂斯脱里派基督徒。

The most famous group of these refugees were the Nestorian Christians.

聂斯脱里派最初与神学家聂斯脱里的教义有关，他于4月28日至4月31日期间担任君士坦丁堡大主教。

Nestorians initially were associated with the teachings of the theologian Nestorius, an archbishop in Constantinople from 04/28 to 04/31.

聂斯脱里提出了一个独特的基督论模型，该模型在公元431年的以弗所公会议和迦克墩公会议中被判定为异端。

Nestorius had a distinct Christological model that was deemed heretical at the Council of Ephesus in 04/31 and again at the Council of Chalcedon in April.

正如研究晚期古代史的学生所知，基督论是对基督本体的神学研究，包括他是什么、他如何与三位一体中的另外两位相关、他的神性与人性如何共存，诸如此类的问题。

Christology, as students of late antiquity know, is the theological study of the being of Christ, what he was, how he related to the other two points of the Trinity, how his human and divine natures coexisted, and that kind of thing.

到公元五世纪初，基督教神学家们已经就基督论问题争论了数个世纪，这些争论变得极为复杂。

By the early four hundreds, Christian theologians had been engaged in Christological debates for centuries and the debates had become very complicated.

聂斯脱里派基督论认为，基督具有两个独立的位格——一个属人、一个属神——这两个位格在他诞生的时刻结合在一起，因此，圣母玛利亚并未真正诞下上帝之子，而只是在耶稣出生时，基督的两种本性发生了结合，即所谓的‘二性并存联合’（用神学术语称为diaprosopic union）。

Nestorian Christology stated that Christ had been the existence of two persons, one human and one divine, persons who had come together at the moment of his birth and that, therefore, the Virgin Mary hadn't really given birth to the son of God, rather the cohabitation of Christ's two natures, a diaprosopic union, to use the technical theological term, had happened when Jesus had been born.

正如我们多次指出的那样，晚期古代的基督论争论在我们这些局外人看来似乎枯燥而琐碎，但它们产生了深远的长期影响，至今仍能感受到。

The Christological debates of late antiquity, as we have observed many times before, seemed to us as outsiders to be dry and nitpicky, but they had significant long term consequences that can still be felt today.

到公元431年以弗所公会议召开时，基督教已经向东传播到足够广泛的地区，如今被称为东方教会或东叙利亚教会的教派已在萨珊帝国及其西部的罗马-波斯边境地区站稳脚跟。

By the time of the Council of Ephesus in 04/31, Christianity had already spread eastward to a sufficient extent that what we now call the Church of the East or the East Syriac Church had a strong foothold in the Sassanian Empire and the Roman Persian borderland to its West.

罗马帝国和波斯帝国境内的基督徒生活在截然不同的社会与政治环境中。

Christian people in the Roman and Persian Empires inhabited different social and political worlds.

因此，在爱琴海沿岸召开的公元431年大公会议，对于远在一千英里之外的美索不达米亚的基督徒而言，几乎毫无相关性。

So an ecumenical council held all the way over on the shore of the Aegean Sea in 04/31 to Christians a thousand miles away in Mesopotamia didn't have much relevance.

于是，聂斯脱里派最初作为宗教难民在四月后向东逃亡，逐渐发展成为基督教的一个新分支，其著作多使用叙利亚语、阿拉米语和阿拉伯语，而非拉丁语或希腊语。

Nestorians then, initially religious refugees who fled to the East during the April, gradually grew into a new branch Christianity whose writings would often be in Syriac, Aramaic, and Arabic rather than Latin or Greek.

如果东方基督教有一个早期中心，那便是位于现代伊拉克纳杰夫以南约90英里、巴格达以南的哈伊拉镇。

If Christianity in the East had an early epicenter, it was the town of Al Hira, just south of modern day Najaf, Iraq, about 90 miles south of Baghdad.

哈伊拉镇拥有修道院，并由东方主教提供牧养。

Al Hira was home to monasteries and was served by eastern bishops.

在四世纪期间，那里的神职人员与罗马的联系越来越少。

And over the course of the four hundreds, the clergy there began having fewer and fewer ties to Rome.

哈伊拉体现了在四月之前，阿拉伯北部邻近地区已经实现的某种趋势。

Alhira illustrates something that had come to fruition in Arabia's northern neighbors by the year April.

在帝国和制度层面，罗马人和波斯人都已接受了单一神论。

The Romans and the Persians had, at the imperial and institutional levels, embraced monotheism.

东方的琐罗亚斯德教国王与西方的基督教皇帝都与高级神职人员结盟，自诩为神圣意志的代理人。

Zoroastrian kings to the East and Christian emperors to the West partnered with high ranking clergymen, flattering themselves by imagining that they were agents of divine will.

随着教会与国家的统一，宗教日益成为社会冲突的加速器，尤其表现为自上而下的帝国迫害。

With church and state unified, religion became an increasing accelerant to social strife, particularly in the form of top down imperial persecutions.

萨珊王朝的多位国王，如沙普尔二世和亚兹德格尔德二世，对基督徒实施了严苛的政策。

Various Sasanian kings like Shapur the second and Yazdegerd second instituted harsh policies against Christians.

在西方，君士坦丁、狄奥多西一世，乃至穆罕默德出生前不久的查士丁尼一世等罗马皇帝，对非基督徒进行了迫害。

In the West, persecutions of non Christians unfolded under the Roman emperors Constantine, Theodosius the first, and eventually just prior to the birth of Muhammad, Justinian the first.

需要明确的是，一些罗马皇帝和一些萨珊国王比其他人更为狂热，宗教宽容的时期确实间或穿插在神学驱动的迫害之中。

To be clear, some Roman emperors and some Sasanian kings were more zealous than others and periods of religious tolerance certainly punctuated theologically driven persecutions.

然而，这些迫害有时也十分严重且致命。

However, these persecutions were also from time to time severe and murderous.

正如犹太人在公元一世纪中期逃离现今的以色列，公元三、四、五世纪期间，因教义争议而遭受迫害的基督教难民和异见者，纷纷逃离罗马和帕提亚帝国皇帝、国王及敌对教士的迫害。

Just as Jews had fled present day Israel in the mid one hundred CE, over the three hundreds, four hundreds, and five hundreds, Christian religious refugees and outcasts from doctrinal controversies fled the persecutions of emperors, kings, and rival clergymen in the Roman and Parthian empires.

许多人逐渐迁徙至阿拉伯半岛的各个角落，寻求宗教自由。

Many of them trickling down into various enclaves of Arabia in search of religious freedom.

大约在五月之际，阿拉伯半岛开始经历一些重要的转变。

Arabia, around the year May, began undergoing some important transformations.

其西北邻邦罗马遭遇了一场前所未有的灾难。

Its northwestern neighbor, Rome, had suffered an unprecedented catastrophe.

帝国的西部已崩溃为多个由蛮族控制的国家。

The western half of the empire had collapsed into a patchwork of barbarian controlled states.

最重要的是，西哥特西班牙、东哥特意大利和墨洛温法国。

Most importantly, Visigothic Spain, Ostrogothic Italy, and Merovingian France.

然而，拜占庭帝国——原为以君士坦丁堡为首都的罗马帝国东部——仍然是一个强大的力量。

The Byzantine Empire, however, previously the eastern half of the greater Roman Empire headquartered in Constantinople, was still a formidable force.

阿拉伯帝国的北部邻国，即拜占庭人和萨珊人，在六世纪期间持续在彼此之间形成变动的边界。

Arabia's imperial northern neighbors, now the Byzantines and the Sasanians, continued to have a shifting frontier between them over the course of the five hundreds.

到这一时期，双方都擅长雇佣地方民兵，通常是阿拉伯民兵，以维护自身利益。

Both, by this period, were adept at hiring local militias, often Arab militias, to defend their interests.

然而，阿拉伯民兵自然有时会追求自己的议程，并不总是甘愿扮演帝国附庸的角色；拜占庭和波斯的联邦盟军时常自行其是，在边境发动袭击和劫掠，这些联邦盟军往往与彼此的共同点，多于与各自雇主帝国的共同点。

Arab militias, however, naturally sometimes pursued their own agendas, Not always content to play the part of imperial subordinates, Byzantine and Persian federati periodically carried out raids and attacks in the borderlands of their own volition, with federati often having more in common with one another than with the two different empires that were paying them.

这些活跃在拜占庭-波斯边境的阿拉伯民兵团体的不稳定性，不仅使边境定居点变得不安全，还加剧了拜占庭与萨珊之间的紧张关系。

The volatility of these Arab militia groups on the Byzantine Persian frontier not only made border settlements unsafe, it also exacerbated Byzantine and Sasanian tensions.

由于与协助协调阿拉伯民兵的菲拉尔克（部落首领）持续存在矛盾，拜占庭和萨珊帝国逐渐将资源投入到两个不同的阿拉伯王朝中。

Due to persistent problems with the phylarks or tribal rulers who helped coordinate their Arab militias, the Byzantine and Sasanian empires gradually poured resources into two different Arab dynasties.

两个敌对帝国都希望扶持一个稳定的阿拉伯王国，以保卫其边境利益。

The rival empires each wanted a stable Arab kingdom to sponsor, to defend their interests along the borderland.

渐渐地，两个大型附庸王国出现了。

And gradually, two large client kingdoms arose.

在半岛东北部，与萨珊波斯结盟的纳赛里德或拉赫姆王国；在西北部，与拜占庭结盟的加萨尼德或贾夫尼德王国。

To the Northeast of the peninsula, the Nasrid or Lakhmid Kingdom, allied with the Sassanian Persians, and to the Northwest, the Ghassanid or Jaffnid Kingdom, allied with the Byzantines.

这两个附庸王国将在本节余下的内容中扮演重要角色。

These two client kingdoms will be a major part of our story for the remainder of this show.

让我们先把这个概念牢记在心。

So let's get this idea in our heads.

拜占庭支持加萨尼德阿拉伯辅助王国，而萨珊王朝则支持拉赫姆阿拉伯辅助王国。

The Byzantines sponsored the Gassanid Kingdom of Arab auxiliaries, and the Sassanians sponsored the Lachmid Kingdom Of Arab Auxiliaries.

这两个附庸王国中更古老的是纳赛里德或拉赫姆王国。

The more ancient of these two client kingdoms was the Nasrid or Lachmid Kingdom.

在阿拉伯语中，称为Al Lachmiun或Al Menadru，总部设在前述的希拉城，位于今伊拉克境内的幼发拉底河中游，但拉赫姆王国的大部分领土位于今天的沙特阿拉伯境内。

In Arabic, Al Lachmiun or Al Menadru, headquartered in the aforementioned town of Al Hira way up along the Middle Euphrates in present day Iraq, although most of the Lachmid Kingdom lay within the bounds of today's Saudi Arabia.

拉赫米德王国诞生于三月左右，通常被描述为萨珊帝国的附庸国，尽管它与帝国的关系有时充满争议。

Born around March, the Lachmid Kingdom is most often described as a vassal state of the Sasanian Empire, although its relationship with the empire was sometimes a contentious one.

尽管拉赫米德国王与他们的萨珊赞助者时有冲突，但拉赫米德人似乎仍是萨珊势力在波斯东部的一道有效缓冲，保护了巴林周边的萨珊行省，免受阿拉伯沙漠广阔而松散边界的侵扰，如同阿拉伯靴子上的一块护胫，守护着波斯湾沿岸的波斯利益。

While Lachmid kings and their Sassanian patrons periodically came to blows, the Lachmid still seemed to have been a useful buffer for Sassanian influence in the Persian East, insulating Sasanian provincial territories around Bahrain from the large and porous frontier of the Arabian Desert, a broad shin guard on the Arabian boot protecting Persian interests along the Persian Gulf Coast.

这个诞生于公元三世纪初的纳斯里德或拉赫米德王国，很可能是萨珊人为了集中力量、委派东部阿拉伯地区的领导权而采取的举措。

This Nasrid or Lakhmid Kingdom, born in the early three hundreds, was likely an effort on the part of the Sasanians to centralize their efforts to delegate leadership in Eastern Arabia.

与一位附庸君主打交道，远比与十二位打交道要容易得多。

Dealing with one client ruler was far easier than dealing with a dozen of them.

萨珊王座通过其拉赫米德附庸，只有一个接触点，一个可以倾注资源的对象。

The Sasanian throne with its Lakhmid vessels had one point of contact and one person into whom they could pour resources.

对于一个庞大的帝国而言，这种效率至关重要。

And for a large empire, this efficiency was important.

然而，另一方面，一位位于波斯家门口、控制着如今沙特阿拉伯约三分之一领土的附庸国王，拥有强大的区域实力，在政治和军事危机时期也可能对萨珊人构成重大威胁——拉赫米德国王在多个关键时刻似乎确实如此。

On the flip side, though, a client king on the Persian front doorstep and one who controlled perhaps a third of present day Saudi Arabia had a lot of regional muscle and could also pose a significant threat to the Sasanians in times of political and military crisis as Lakhmid kings appear to have done at several junctures.

拉赫米德王国繁荣了数个世纪。

The Lockmid Kingdom flourished for several centuries.

大约在五月，由于拜占庭对地区政治的兴趣，我们开始获得更多关于阿拉伯附庸王国的实质性记录。

Around May, due to Byzantine interests in the politics of the region, we begin to have more substantial records of the client kingdoms of Arabia.

到500年时，波斯盟友的拉赫姆德王国已经十分强大。

The Persian allied Lockmids were, by 500, powerful.

一位名叫阿尔蒙迪尔的拉赫姆德国王，常被称为阿尔蒙德罗斯，以区别于同期其他同名人物，于公元504年5月20日至五月期间统治拉赫姆德王国。

One Lockmid king, Almondir, often called Almonderos to distinguish him from other figures with the same name active during the period, ruled the Lakhmids from 05/2004 to May.

阿尔蒙德罗斯在强大的前任阿尔努曼之后，率领波斯盟军从半岛东北部一路征战至西北部，袭击了叙利亚、美索不达米亚和埃及的拜占庭行省，并对新崛起的查士丁尼王朝构成威胁，尤其在五月期间。

Al Mondaros, on the heels of a powerful predecessor called Alnuman, led Persian allied forces from the Northeast of the peninsula to the Northwest, raiding Byzantine provinces throughout Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt, and being a menace to the newly elevated Justinian dynasty, especially in the May.

拜占庭历史学家普罗科匹厄斯生动地描述了拉赫姆德国王阿尔蒙德罗斯对君士坦丁堡南部前线构成的威胁。

The Byzantine historian, Procopius, vividly describes the danger that the Lachmid king, Almunderos, posed to Constantinople's southern front.

普罗科匹厄斯写道：‘从埃及边界到美索不达米亚，萨珊王朝的附庸国王阿尔蒙德罗斯洗劫了整个地区，一个接一个地掠夺城镇，焚烧沿途的建筑，并在每次袭击中掳走数以万计的居民，其中大多数被他毫不留情地处死，其余则被高价卖为奴隶。’

Procopius writes, quote, beginning from the boundaries of Egypt and as far as Mesopotamia, the Sasanian client king Almonderos plundered the whole country, pillaging one place after another, burning the buildings in his track and making captives of the population by the tens of thousands on each raid, most of whom he killed without consideration, while he gave up the others for great sums of money.

而他却从未遭遇任何抵抗。

And he was confronted by no one at all.

因为他每次入侵前都会仔细侦察，行动如此迅速且时机如此恰到好处，通常当拜占庭将领和士兵们刚刚得知情况并开始集结反击时，他已经带着所有战利品远走高飞了。

For he never made his inroad without looking about, but so suddenly did he move and so very opportunely for himself that as a rule, he was already off with all the plunder when the generals and the soldiers were beginning to learn what had happened and to gather themselves against him.

如果他们真的碰巧抓住了他，这个蛮族会在追兵毫无防备、未列阵作战的情况下突然反击，轻松击溃并歼灭他们。

If indeed by chance they were able to catch him, this barbarian would fall upon his pursuers while still unprepared and not in battle array and would rout and destroy them with no trouble.

引文结束。

Close quote.

因此，到五月时，阿尔蒙达罗斯已成为拜占庭西部的重大威胁，但这位萨珊王朝附庸国王的袭击只是六世纪罗马人与波斯人更大冲突的一部分。

Al Mundaros then, by the May, had become a substantial problem for the Byzantine West, but this Sasanian client king's assaults were only part of a greater conflict between Romans and Persians in the sixth century.

在05/26至五月期间，拜占庭罗马人与萨珊波斯人因东格鲁吉亚王国伊比利亚的联盟变动而爆发了历史学家所称的伊比利亚战争。

Between 05/26 and May, the Byzantine Romans and Sasanian Persians fought what historians call the Iberian War due to shifting allegiances in the Eastern Georgian kingdom of Iberia.

尽管拜占庭帝国最终赢得了这场战争，并获得了大量萨珊黄金作为贡品，但并未发生任何领土变更。

Though the Byzantine Empire eventually won this war along with a large tribute of Sassanian gold, no territorial changes ensued.

这场冲突最能说明的，或许正是拜占庭帝国在西方与萨珊帝国在东方都需要盟友的支持。

What the conflict proved, perhaps more than anything, was that the Byzantine Empire to the West and the Sassanian Empire to the East needed coalitions of allies.

而在穆罕默德祖父母一代所进行的这场战争中，萨珊王朝最强大的武器再次是阿拉伯拉赫姆人，他们以现今伊拉克为基地，由国王阿尔蒙达罗斯统领。

And the greatest Sassanian weapon during this war, fought during Muhammad's grandparents' generation, were once again the Arab Lakhmids, headquartered in present day Iraq and superintended by king Al Mundaros.

在五世纪初，阿拉伯拉赫姆人曾为他们的波斯主子提供了巨大助力，劫掠叙利亚和美索不达米亚的拜占庭城镇，并在伊比利亚战争中与拜占庭敌军多次交锋。

The Arab Lakhmids, during the early five hundreds, had provided tremendous services to their Persian patrons, herring Byzantine towns in Syria and Mesopotamia and crossing swords with Byzantine foes throughout the Iberian War.

在这场战争的过程中，拜占庭皇帝查士丁尼注意到了这一点。

And over the course of this war, the Byzantine emperor Justinian took note.

查士丁尼一世，这位以收复大部分地中海地区而闻名的拜占庭皇帝，从公元527年到565年以君士坦丁堡为都统治帝国。

Justinian the first, that Byzantine emperor famous for retaking much of the Mediterranean, ruled out of Constantinople from 05/27 to May.

随着拜占庭人与萨珊人之间伊比利亚战争的持续，查士丁尼一世在公元528年或529年做出了一个具有重大意义的政策决定。

And as the Iberian War between Byzantines and Sasanians raged on, Justinian the first made a consequential policy decision in 05/28 or 05/29.

效仿萨珊人几个世纪前的做法，查士丁尼任命了一位菲拉克——阿拉伯语中的哈里斯·伊本·贾巴拉——作为所有拜占庭阿拉伯民兵部队的最高统帅。

Following what the Sasanians had done centuries before, Justinian commissioned one phylark, Al Harith, in Arabic, Al Khareth ibn al Jabbalah, to be the overlord of all Byzantine Arab militia forces.

哈里斯及其后来的儿子门迪尔被授予了与拜占庭元老院议员同等的崇高头衔，各自担任军事长官或最高军事指挥官，尽管他们都受命于在东线作战的拜占庭军事长官。

Al Harith and later his son, Al Mundir, were given lofty titles that put them on par with Byzantine senators, each working as a magister militum or supreme military commander, although they were both beholden to the Byzantine magister militum working on the Eastern front.

这一晋升使加萨尼德王国（阿拉伯语：al-Ghassāsina）获得了更为显著的地位。

This promotion brought the Ghassanid kingdom, in Arabic, al Ghassasina, into much more substantial prominence.

加萨尼德王朝的统治者哈里斯及其儿子门迪尔在伊斯兰教兴起前的阿拉伯历史中具有多重重要性。

The Ghassanid client kings al Harith and his son al Mandir are important for several reasons in pre Islamic Arabian history.

让我们先在脑海中记住这些君主。

So let's get these monarchs in our head for a moment.

阿尔-哈里思统治于05/29年至五月，阿尔-蒙迪尔统治于五月至五月，他们是穆罕默德先知出生前的拜占庭阿拉伯国王。

Al Harith, who ruled from 05/29 to May, and Al Mundir, from May to May, were the Byzantine Arab kings whose reigns came just before the life of the prophet Muhammad.

他们很可能并非最早的加萨尼德君主。

They were likely not the first Ghassanid monarchs.

中世纪的阿拉伯文献记载了大约二十多位他们之前的国王，数目略有出入。

Medieval Arabic sources list two dozen or so kings before them, give or take.

这些伊斯兰文献对加萨尼德附庸国王如何掌权提供了更多细节。

These Islamic texts offer a bit more information on how the Ghassanid client kings came to power.

八世纪上半叶的历史学家伊本·哈比卜与下半叶的雅库比共同叙述了一个更详尽的故事：在阿尔-哈里思之前一代，哈桑部落的一些重要后裔向北迁徙，穿越萨利部落的领地，进入现今的约旦和亚述地区。

The historian Ibn Habib in the first half of the eight hundreds and al Yaqubi in the second half together offer a longer narrative about how a generation before al Harith, some important scions of the Hassan tribe forged northward into present day Jordan and Assyria through the territory of another tribe called the Sali.

萨利部落当时可能是拜占庭的盟友，但与之作战并击败他们的哈桑部落一支，最终与拜占庭皇帝结成了联盟。

The Sali may have been Byzantine allies at the time, but the branch of the Rasan tribe who fought them and defeated them was able to forge a partnership with the Byzantine emperor.

这位皇帝可能是阿纳斯塔修斯，他的统治漫长而成功，从四月持续到05/18年。

This emperor may have been Anastasius whose long and successful rule stretched from April to 05/18.

这些细节相当琐碎，让我们再退一步，宏观地看一眼。

That's some nitty gritty history, so let's zoom out again for a moment.

加萨尼德王室很可能源于公元5月前后阿拉伯半岛北部的一场部落间冲突，这场冲突部分是为了决定谁将成为拜占庭领导层最亲密的盟友。

The Ghassanid line of kings likely emerged from an intertribal conflict north of the Arabian Peninsula around May, a conflict fought in part to determine who would be the closest partners with Byzantine leadership.

虽然加萨尼部落在后来的阿拉伯历史著作中非常重要，但这个部落更广泛地揭示了来自半岛和古代近东的阿拉伯部落领袖如何相互竞争，以争取与罗马和波斯领导层建立联系。

While the Ghassan tribe is an important one in later works of Arab history, This tribe offers a much more general lesson about how Arab tribal leaders from the Peninsula and ancient Near East competed with one another for connections with Roman and Persian leadership.

部落首领可能是一位杰出的军事战略家和富有魅力的领袖，凭借对中东半岛地区的深入了解，利用绿洲和其他自然资源，以及与商队和商人的合作来巩固自己的统治。

The head of a tribe could be a brilliant military tactician and charismatic leader flexing regional muscle around the Middle Peninsula and using insider knowledge of oases and other natural resources and partnerships with caravans and merchants to help consolidate his reign.

然而，真正的权力位于北方，与拜占庭和萨珊王朝国王结盟能带来巨额黄金财富和帝国军队的支持。

However, the real power lay in the North where alliances with Byzantine and Sasanian kings offered access to massive coffers of gold and the backing of imperial armies.

因此，在阿拉伯半岛长期处于大罗马和波斯帝国以南的漫长时期里，阿拉伯部落彼此争夺帝国的赞助，而在晚期古典时代，他们更是在帝国赞助下，于古代边境地带不断变化的拜占庭与萨珊势力集团之间相互征伐。

Arab tribes then, during the long period that the Arabian Peninsula spent south of Greater Roman and Persian Empires, fought one another for imperial sponsorship and increasingly during late antiquity fought one another beneath imperial sponsorship in shifting Byzantine and Sasanian power blocks of the ancient borderland.

哈里思及其子门迪尔是最著名的加萨尼德附庸国王，他们与拜占庭统治合作，统治着阿拉伯半岛西北部地区，包括现今约旦和叙利亚的部分地区，统治时期从05/29持续到五月。

Al Harith and his son, Al Mundir, were the most famous Ghassanid client kings collaborating with Byzantine rule in the Upper Northwestern Arabian Peninsula, including some of present day Jordan and Syria, and the pair ruled from 05/29 to May.

我们稍后将再次回到他们及其敌人——萨珊王朝支持的拉赫姆附庸国王门达罗斯身上，他活跃于05/2004年至五月期间。

We will come back to them and their enemy, the Sassanian allied, Lakhmid client king, Al Mundaros, again active from 05/2004 to May momentarily.

在我们讲述伊斯兰教前阿拉伯历史的现阶段，我们需要将注意力转回现代也门的希木叶尔王国。

For the moment in our story of pre Islamic Arabian history, we need to turn our attention back to the Himyarite kingdom of modern day Yemen.

正如拜占庭和萨珊王朝对阿拉伯附庸国王的赞助对六世纪阿拉伯历史产生了关键影响，在半岛南部的五世纪初，一场宗教地震即将爆发，将对后世世界历史产生深远影响。

Just as Byzantine and Sasanian sponsorships of Arab client kings had a pivotal effect on sixth century Arabian history, In the South of the peninsula in the early five hundreds, a religious earthquake was about to unfold that would have a far reaching impact on later world history.

到五月时，阿拉伯半岛周围已遍布一神教国家，其中包括本节目迄今为止仅简要提及的一个地方。

Monotheistic states were all around Arabia by the year May, including one place only mentioned briefly in this program so far.

这个地方就是阿克苏姆王国，在阿拉伯语中称为阿克哈巴沙。

That place was the Kingdom Of Aksum, in Arabic, Akhabasha.

到五月时，阿克苏姆是一个以今天埃塞俄比亚北部、靠近厄立特里亚边境为中心的强国。

By May, Aksum was a powerful state centered in the North of what is today Ethiopia near the Eritrean border.

正如埃塞俄比亚正教信徒所熟知的，埃塞俄比亚是基督教的早期中心之一，可能早在公元一世纪就已存在。

Ethiopia, as Ethiopian Orthodox believers are well aware, was a very early center of Christianity, perhaps as early as the first century CE.

阿克苏姆王国距离现代也门的希木叶尔王国中心不到400英里（直线距离），仅隔着红海南部狭窄水域。

The kingdom of Aksum was less than 400 miles as the crow flies west of the the center of the Himyarite kingdom in modern day Yemen, just across the narrow southern part of the Red Sea.

到五月时，埃塞俄比亚的阿克苏姆人已东渡并征服了他们的希木叶尔邻邦。

And by May, Ethiopian Aksumites had crossed eastward and conquered their Himyarite neighbors.

如果你还记得前面的内容，希木叶尔人已奉行某种形式的犹太教长达两个世纪。

The Himyarites, if you'll recall from earlier, had practiced some form of Judaism for two centuries.

因此，当来自埃塞俄比亚的阿克苏姆君主通过基督教代理统治者在今天的也门掌权时，阿拉伯半岛开始发生重大的神学和地缘政治变革。

Thus, when Aksumite monarchs from Ethiopia began wielding power in present day Yemen through means of Christian proxy rulers, a major theological and geopolitical change began to unfold in the Arabian Peninsula.

今天的也门的希木叶尔人，至少在官方层面信奉犹太教，从未与基督教的拜占庭帝国或祆教的萨珊帝国建立持久联盟，他们是一个被海水或阿拉伯沙漠的极端干旱地带包围的犹太教独立区域。

The Himyarites of what's today Yemen, practicing Judaism at least at the official level, had formed no lasting alliances with the Christian Byzantine Empire nor with the Zoroastrian Sasanian Empire being an autonomous nub of theologically Jewish territory surrounded by either seawater or particularly arid stretches of the Arabian Desert.

然而，当阿克苏姆的基督教领袖被派驻到那里时，希木叶尔的忠诚似乎开始转向西方，倾向基督教的拜占庭帝国。

When Aksumite Christian leaders were installed there, however, Himyar's allegiances seem to have begun to align westward toward the Christian Byzantines.

在510年至520年间，穆罕默德祖父母那一代人可能预期半岛西海岸从北部的加萨尼德到南部的希木叶尔都将基督教化，红海也将成为一片基督教之海。

Between 05/10 and 05/20, Muhammad's grandparents' generation might have expected the West Coast of the peninsula from the Ghassanid north to the Himyarite South Christian and for the Red Sea to become a Christian lake.

然而，希木叶尔的基督教化遭遇了猛烈的反弹。

The Christianization of Himyar, however, encountered a ferocious backlash.

阿克苏姆人在521年或522年左右扶植的一位早期领袖名叫优素福或约瑟。

One of the early leaders that Aksumites installed around 05/21 or 05/22 was called Yusuf or Joseph.

约瑟，据信是一位虔诚的犹太教徒，并得到志同道合信徒的支持，开始在希木叶尔首都扎法尔和阿布法尔对阿克苏姆基督徒展开残酷镇压。

Joseph, presumably a devout Jew with the backing of similarly minded believers, began a brutal campaign against Aksumite Christians in Zafar Abufar, the Himyarite capital.

显然，为了维持希木叶尔的犹太教属性，约瑟加固了这个小帝国的海岸线以抵御更多阿克苏姆入侵，并对北方的基督徒展开了血腥的镇压行动。

Then obviously intending to keep Himyar Jewish, Joseph fortified the small empire's coast against more Aksumite invasions, and he began a bloody campaign against Christian believers to the north.

纳杰兰绿洲位于当前沙特阿拉伯与也门边境以北，公元522年时居住着一个规模可观的基督教社群。

The Oasis Of Najran, just north of the current Saudi Yemeni border, was in 05/22, home to a sizable Christian community.

到公元522年，纳杰兰的基督徒与传统统治希木叶尔的犹太领袖之间很可能已出现紧张关系。

By 05/22, there were already likely tensions between the Christians of Najran and the old Jewish leadership that had traditionally ruled in Himyar.

纳杰兰现存的铭文使用的是早期阿拉伯文，而非与希木叶尔相关的南阿拉伯文字，这表明纳杰兰的基督徒可能觉得自己与中央阿拉伯部落如肯达部落，以及遥远的拜占庭和萨珊帝国更为亲近，而非他们南方的犹太王国。

Surviving inscriptions from Najran are in early Arabic rather than the South Arabian form of writing associated with Himyar, and that Najran's Christians may have felt they had more in common with Central Arabian tribes like the Kindah and the distant Byzantine and Sasanian empires than the Jewish kingdom to their immediate south.

无论导致希木叶尔国王约瑟夫对纳杰兰基督徒发动攻势的原因是什么，历史记载都将之描述为一场大屠杀。

Whatever led up to the Himyarite king Joseph's campaign against the Christians of Najran, historical accounts describe it as a massacre.

约瑟夫副手的一块皇家铭文首先描述了这位犹太国王摧毁基督教教堂、杀害希木叶尔首都扎法尔的阿克苏姆基督徒的暴行。

A royal inscription by Joseph's deputy first describes the Jewish king's destruction of Christian churches and the murder of Aksumite Christians in the Himyarite capital of Zafar.

该铭文随后记载，约瑟夫在长达十三个月的行动中处决了12,500名纳杰兰基督徒。

The inscription then describes how Joseph executed 12,500 Najrani Christians over a thirteen month campaign.

除了这块铭文外，还有许多关于约瑟夫血腥行动的其他史料。

There are a number of sources on Joseph's bloodthirsty campaign besides this inscription.

叙利亚基督教对这场悲剧有着长久的记忆。

Syriac Christianity had a long memory of the tragedy.

一部叙利亚基督教编年史记载，大屠杀之后，约瑟夫派遣使者前往萨珊王朝的拉赫姆附庸国王阿尔蒙达罗斯处，或许期望萨珊盟友能帮助他抵抗阿拉伯半岛南端的基督教化。

A Syriac Christian chronicle describes how after the massacre, Joseph sent emissaries to the Sassanian Lachmid client king, Al Mundaros, perhaps expecting the Sassanian allies to help him resist the Christianization of the Arabian boot heel.

这一努力毫无结果。

Nothing came of the effort.

阿克苏姆的基督教军队，可能得到了拜占庭海军的支援，进军希木叶尔，恢复了阿克苏姆的基督教统治，随后对王国境内的犹太人进行了迫害。

Aksumite Christian forces, perhaps aided by Byzantine naval forces, charged into Himyar and reinstituted Aksumite Christian rule there, after which followed persecutions of the kingdom's Jews.

在这些可怕事件之后，公元523年，拜占庭皇帝查士丁尼派遣一名大使前往阿克苏姆的新国王及其在希木叶尔新任命的基督教君主处。

In the aftermath of these awful events, in 05/23, the Byzantine emperor Justinian dispatched an ambassador to the new king of Aksum and its new Christian monarchical appointee in Himyar.

我应该补充的是，公元523年，查士丁尼一世尚未成为皇帝，但他正担任其叔叔查士丁一世麾下的拜占庭帝国东部军队统帅。

I should add that in 05/23, Justinian the first was not quite emperor yet, but he was serving his uncle Justin the first as the commander of the Byzantine Empire's eastern army.

尽管尚未称帝，查士丁尼已胸怀大志，或许正梦想着未来对地中海西部的征服。

Though not quite emperor, Justinian was thinking big, perhaps dreaming of his future westward conquest of the Mediterranean.

关于查士丁尼如何具体利用希木叶尔的基督教化，各种史料说法不一。

The sources conflict on how exactly Justinian was able to take advantage of the Christianization of Himyar.

但无论如何，查士丁尼都试图在阿拉伯半岛获取尽可能多的拜占庭影响力，不仅热情地将希木叶尔人和阿克苏姆人视为基督教盟友，还很可能试图从这两个王国获取商业和军事承诺，同时利用该地区的权力更迭，与强大的肯达部落及阿拉伯中部的部落联盟建立新联盟。

However it went down, Justinian sought to gain as much Byzantine leverage in the Arabian Peninsula as he could, certainly by hailing the Himyarites and Aksumites as Christian allies, likely also trying to extract commercial and military promises from the two kingdoms and at the same time, using the peninsula's leadership transition to form new alliances with the powerful Kindah and mad tribal confederacies in Central Arabia.

无论贾斯汀尼安派往基督教阿克苏姆人及其希木叶尔附庸的使团多么成功，可以肯定的是，到529年，贾斯汀尼安一世已登上拜占庭皇位。

However successful Justinian's embassies were to the Christian Aksumites and their Himyarite subordinates, what is certain was that by the year 05/29, Justinian the first was on the Byzantine throne.

他与阿拉伯西南部保持着中立至良好的关系。

He had neutral to positive relations with the Arabian Southwest.

他提拔了加萨尼德附庸国王，使其成为阿拉伯西北部所有阿拉伯联邦的监管者，并准备利用他强大的阿拉伯附庸为动荡的萨珊边境带来决定性的安全。

He had elevated the Ghassanid client king as the overseer of all Arab federati in the Arabian Northwest, and he was ready to use his powerful Arab subordinates to bring decisive security to the volatile Sasanian border.

上述伊比利亚战争在公元531年初再度爆发，年迈的萨珊国王卡瓦德一世派军抵达今天叙利亚北部拉卡地区。

The aforementioned Iberian War flared up again when the aging Sasanian king, Kavad the first, sent an army up to what is today Raqqa in North Central Syria in early five thirty one.

在加萨尼德人与拉赫姆德人（波斯支持的势力）的首次交锋中，波斯支持的军队击败了拜占庭支持的对手，并进一步羞辱对方，要求为被俘的罗马人支付赎金。

In the first engagement between the Ghassanids and the Lakhmids, Persian sponsored forces defeated their Byzantine sponsored adversaries, adding insult to injury by demanding ransom payments for captured Romans.

尽管这一切对贾斯汀尼安一世来说都是坏消息，但这位拜占庭皇帝也收到了一些好消息。

While all of this was bad news for Justinian the first, the Byzantine emperor also had some good news.

他的死敌、萨珊皇帝卡瓦德一世因病去世，卡瓦德之子科斯洛一世——波斯历史上最负盛名的国王之一——于531年5月登基。

His nemesis, the Sasanian emperor Kavad the first, died of an illness, and Kavad's son, Khosro the first, one of the most celebrated of all Persian kings, ascended to the throne in the May '31.

科斯洛（阿拉伯语称基斯拉）为巩固权力，无暇与拜占庭开战，于五月签署了一项双方称为“永久和平”的条约，并赠予君士坦丁堡一万一千磅黄金。

Khosro, or Kisra in Arabic, needing to consolidate his power and having no time to carry out a war with the Byzantines, signed a treaty that both empires called the Perpetual Peace in May, also gifting Constantinople with 11,000 pounds of gold.

接下来发生的事情非常有趣。

What happened next is fascinating.

正如罗马历史学者所知，查士丁尼和他的将军贝利撒留于五月在地中海取得了一系列惊人的军事胜利，从汪达尔国王手中夺回了罗马旧有的非洲省份，随后进攻当时由东哥特国王统治的意大利半岛。

As students of Roman history know, Justinian and his general, Bellisarius, spent the May achieving some astounding military victories in the Mediterranean, taking back a slice of Rome's old African provinces from Vandal kings and then attacking the Italian Peninsula, at that point ruled by Ostrogothic kings.

对波斯的霍斯劳而言，罗马在西方的军事扩张既表明了其征服的野心，也展现了其实施征服的强大能力。

To Persian Khosro, Rome's military aggressions to the West signaled both an appetite for conquest and an ample capacity to carry it out.

因此，霍斯劳试图找到一种方法，让所谓的永久和平不再那么永久。

And so Khosro sought to find a way to make the so called eternal peace not really that eternal.

他通过向他的拉赫姆附庸国王阿拉蒙德罗斯寻求建议来实现这一目标。

He did so by asking advice from his Lachmid client king, Alamonderos.

阿拉蒙德罗斯告诉霍斯劳，他将捏造一个虚假指控，称拜占庭的加萨尼附庸国王阿尔-哈里思违反了在叙利亚帕尔米拉（阿拉伯语称提德莫尔）附近偏远沙漠地带的领土协议。

Alamonderos told Khosro that he would make a false claim that the Byzantine Ghassanid client king, Al Harith, had violated a territorial agreement in a remote part of the frontier desert near Palmyra, Syria or Tidmor in Arabic.

阿尔蒙达罗斯的对手阿尔-哈里思试图驳斥这一虚假报告，但未能成功，于是责任落在了查士丁尼身上，由他设法解决这场争端。

Al Mundaros' counterpart, Al Harid, tried to quash the false report, but he was unsuccessful, and it fell upon Justinian to try and settle the dispute.

查士丁尼的努力要么因为他忙于西方事务，要么因为他的任命者无能，要么因为他并未认真对待这场争端，最终都以失败告终。

Justinian's efforts, whether because he was busy in the West, because his appointees were incompetent, or because he didn't take the dispute seriously, were unsuccessful.

波斯国王霍斯劳于五月入侵了拜占庭的领土。

And the Persian king Khosro invaded Byzantine territories proper in the year May.

霍斯劳袭击了一座古代名为塞尔吉奥波利斯的堡垒，即今天的叙利亚拉萨法，这是阿尔-哈里特的权力中心，也是六世纪阿拉伯基督教的重要区域枢纽，这可能是萨珊皇帝将其列为攻击目标的原因。

Khosrow attacked a fortress in antiquity known as Sergiopolis, today Rasafa, Syria, a seat of Al Harid's power and an important regional hub for Arab Christianity in the sixth century, which was likely a reason the Sasanian emperor had it in his crosshairs.

这次袭击最终未能成功。

The attack was ultimately unsuccessful.

尽管拜占庭人和萨珊人在五月签署了另一项和平条约，以停止叙利亚和美索不达米亚的军事行动，但他们的阿拉伯附庸国王并未严格遵守协议。

And although the Byzantines and Sasanians signed another peace treaty to halt military actions in Syria and Mesopotamia in May, their Arab client kings didn't quite follow the rules.

在拜占庭历史学家普罗科匹厄斯的记载中，我们感受到在五月期间，加萨尼德和拉赫姆附庸国王常常追求自己的议程。

In the pages of the Byzantine historian, Procopius, we get the sense that over the May, the Ghassanid and the Lachmid client kings were often pursuing their own agendas.

普罗科匹厄斯报告称，加萨尼德国王阿尔-哈里特在与萨珊人的战争中秘密囤积了大量战利品。

Procopius reports that the Ghassanid king Al Harith secreted away huge amounts of plunder during the war with the Sasanians.

而在拜占庭与萨珊的和平协议重申后，阿尔-哈里特与阿尔-曼德罗斯的军队却展开了一场与他们帝国赞助者无关的战役。

And then that after the Byzantine Sasanian peace agreement was renewed, Al Harith and Al Manderos' forces fought one another in a campaign having nothing to do with their imperial sponsors.

阿尔-哈里特长期作为拜占庭东部的重要力量，一直是查士丁尼皇帝在该地区的合作伙伴，直至皇帝于五月去世。

Al Harith remained a staying force in the Byzantine East for a long time, being Justinian's regional partner up until the emperor's death in May.

到目前为止，我们在这档节目中已经深入讨论了帝国和附庸国王的运作机制，以及阿拉伯附庸国王通常如何为他们的帝国赞助者执行军事任务。

We've talked plenty about the mechanics of empires and client kings so far in this program and how Arab client kings generally did the military bidding of their imperial sponsors.

在阿尔-哈里特生涯的后期，随着他更多地参与教会政治，他证明了附庸国王不仅可以作为军事缓冲，还能成为帝国皇帝与其边远臣民之间的有效神学中介。

Later in al Harif's career, as he became more involved with church politics, he demonstrated that a client king could be a useful theological intermediary as well as a military buffer between an emperor and his outlying subjects.

叙利亚、美索不达米亚和阿拉伯半岛的阿拉伯基督徒大多是基督一性论者，他们的神学观点与君士坦丁堡所奉行的正统迦克墩基督教并不一致。

Arab Christians in Syria, Mesopotamia, and the Peninsula were often monophysites, their theology not in accord with the orthodox Chalcedonian Christianity practiced in Constantinople.

通过与查士丁尼皇帝及其妻子狄奥多拉，以及君士坦丁堡的高级教会官员直接互动，阿尔-哈里特努力确保将一性论主教派往东方的教区。

Through direct interaction with Justinian and his wife, Theodora, along with high ranking church officials in Constantinople, Al Harith worked to make sure that monophysite bishops were being shipped out to Eastern congregations.

阿尔-哈里特还资助了在现代约旦建立一座基督教教堂建筑群，并巧妙地介入了一场神学争议，保护了阿拉伯一性论基督徒免受君士坦丁堡迦克墩派的迫害，从而帮助维持了加萨尼德与拜占庭联盟免受神学分歧的冲击。

Al Harith also sponsored the creation of a Christian church complex in modern day Jordan and intervened tactfully in a theological controversy in a way that secured Arab monophysite Christians from the predations of their Chalcedonian counterparts in Constantinople, thus helping to keep the Gassanid Byzantine alliance insulated from theological rifts.

让我们再次将视角拉远，总结一下我们对加萨尼德人——拜占庭的阿拉伯附庸国王，以及拉赫姆人——萨珊王朝的阿拉伯附庸国王——的了解。

Let's zoom out for a bit once again and summarize what we've learned about the Gassanids, Arab client kings to the Byzantines, and the Lakhmids, Arab client kings to the Sasanians.

在穆罕默德出生前两代，阿拉伯半岛北部的领袖们已成为古代近东历史的核心角色。

Two generations before Muhammad, the Arab leaders of the Northern Peninsula had become central to ancient Near Eastern history.

附庸国王阿尔-哈里特和阿尔-蒙德罗斯与拜占庭和萨珊皇帝保持着随时可联系的关系。

The client kings Al Harith and Al Monderos had the Byzantine and Sasanian emperors on speed dial.

他们与各自帝国赞助者的最高层保持通信并合作，有时甚至独立行动，不受赞助者的监督。

They corresponded with and collaborated with the highest levels of their respective imperial sponsors, sometimes acting independently and without any oversight from their patrons.

宗教，尤其是加萨尼德人的一性论基督教，已成为该地区的冲突焦点。

Religion, especially the Ghassanids monophysite Christianity, had become a flashpoint of conflict in the region.

正如伊斯兰历史研究者所知，未来一个世纪里拜占庭与波斯边境力量的持续摩擦，以及军队在叙利亚和美索不达米亚之间的反复拉锯，将为一个世纪后穆斯林军队向北的首次进攻成功奠定基础。

And as students of Islamic history know, the continuous grinding of forces along the Byzantine Persian borderland over the course of the next century, the whipsawing of armies back and forth across Syria and Mesopotamia would be instrumental to the success of the first northward offensives of Muslim armies a century later.

六世纪的古代近东历史发展非常迅速，尤其是在今天的也门的希木叶尔王国。

Sixth century history moved very quickly in the ancient Near East, especially down in the Himyarite Kingdom in present day Yemen.

我们上一次提到希木叶尔人时，他们处于阿克苏姆王国的控制之下，很可能信奉一种早期形式的埃塞俄比亚正教基督教。

We last left the Himyarites under the control of the Ethiopian Aksumite kingdom, likely practicing an early form of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity.

尽管希木叶尔王国在接下来一段时间内仍将是基督教国家，但它在五月或五月的某个时候仍经历了领导层更替。

While the Himyarite Kingdom would remain Christian for a while to come, it still underwent a leadership change sometime in the May or May.

一位名叫阿布拉哈的国王篡夺了希木叶尔先前由阿克苏姆任命的统治者之位。

A king named Abraha had usurped the throne from Himyar's previous Aksumite appointee.

阿布拉哈放弃了使用埃塞俄比亚的吉兹语，转而使用希木叶尔古老的南阿拉伯萨巴语制作皇家铭文。

Abraha abandoned the use of Ethiopian Ge'ez and made royal inscriptions using Himyar's older South Arabian Sabaic language.

他对也门基督教未来的构想更偏向叙利亚传统，而非塔瓦迪奥传统。

His vision of Himyar's Christian future was more Syriac than Tawaido.

换句话说，更符合阿拉伯半岛的基督教发展，而非红海对岸东非的基督教发展。

In other words, more in line with Christian developments in the Arabian Peninsula than across the Red Sea in East Africa.

关于也门基督教国王阿布拉哈最著名的轶事，是他于大约五月率军北上进攻麦加的一次远征。

The most famous anecdote about the Himyarite Christian king Abraha has to do with a certain campaign Abraha made northward to Mecca sometime around May.

根据阿拉伯伊斯兰文献，尤其是《古兰经》中的《象章》，我们得知阿布拉哈曾沿阿拉伯西海岸向北进军，意图摧毁当地的朝圣圣地，迫使阿拉伯朝圣者南下至今天也门萨那的一座大型基督教教堂。

From Arab Islamic sources, the most important of which is Surat Al Fil in the Quran, we have a story about Abraha charging northward along the Arabian West Coast with the intention of destroying pilgrimage sites there and thus pushing Arab pilgrims southward to a major new Christian church in what's today Sana'a, Yemen.

这次远征在一头大象接近麦加时遭遇挫折，这头大象每次面对麦加时都会跪下，尽管它返回也门时却表现正常，最终这次远征无果而终。

The campaign, preceded by a single elephant drawing near Mecca, went awry when the elephant in question knelt every time it faced Mecca, though it was perfectly happy to return to Himyar and nothing came of the expedition.

无论也门的大象是否真的在先知穆罕默德即将出生的麦加前跪下，但考虑也门军队曾进攻麦加而后撤退的可能性，仍然至关重要。

Whether or not a Himyarite elephant actually knelt to Mecca where the prophet Muhammad was about to be born, the possibility that a Himyarite army went up against the city and then retreated is still important to consider.

当时麦加拥有克尔白，这个神学上混合的崇拜场所，对于一位意图展示实力的基督教也门国王而言，无疑是理想的打击目标。

Mecca was home to the Kaaba at this juncture, and the theologically hybrid worship site would have been a target for a Christian Himyarite king looking to flex his muscle.

麦加当时由穆罕默德所属的古莱什部落控制，能够击退约五月时也门军队的进攻，表明阿拉伯本土部落在半岛中部仍拥有强大实力。

The fact that Mecca, then under the control of Muhammad's own Quraysh tribe, was able to rebuff advances from a Himyarite army around May, indicates that indigenous Arab tribes still had plenty of power in the Central Peninsula.

到五月时，阿拉伯半岛比以往任何时候都更加复杂。

The Arabian Peninsula then, by May, was a more complicated place than ever.

拜占庭和波斯帝国拥有附庸国王，而这些国王又委派了部落首领来维护他们的利益，同时希木叶尔王国的领导层更迭改变了南半岛的政治格局。

Byzantine and Persian emperors had client kings who themselves had delegated tribal leaders to act in their interests, while the Himyarite kingdom's leadership transitions changed the political alignment of the Southern Peninsula.

像纳季兰这样的叙利亚基督教飞地散布在阿拉伯各地，犹太社区也是如此，而围绕巴林的萨珊沿海省份也遍布着琐罗亚斯德教团体。

Enclaves of Syriac Christianity like Najran were scattered across Arabia as were Jewish communities, and the Sasanian coastal province surrounding Bahrain would have been studded with Zoroastrian congregations as well.

在先知穆罕默德诞生前最后的十年或二十年里，阿拉伯历史日益动荡不安，而幸运的是，这一时期也因亲历者的记录而日益详实。

The final decade or two of Arabian history leading up to the birth of the prophet Muhammad was increasingly tumultuous and conveniently for us, increasingly well documented by those alive to witness it.

在五月这一年，代表萨珊王朝在美索不达米亚和叙利亚利益的拉赫姆国王阿尔蒙德罗斯被杀。

In the year May, the Lachmid king Almonderos, who had represented Sasanian interests in Mesopotamia and Syria for an astonishing fifty years, was killed.

这一时期的基督教圣徒传记《西蒙·斯泰莱特传》将阿尔蒙德罗斯描述为傲慢的异教暴君，并记载了西蒙如何为他祈祷并预言了这位异教恶棍的死亡，而这一预言最终应验。

A Christian hagiography of the period, the life of Simeon the Stylite, describes Alamonderos as a vaunting pagan tyrant and offers an account of how Simeon prayed for and foretold the death of this heathen villain before Alamonderos' death actually came to pass.

尽管这本圣徒传记中掺杂了大量虚构内容，但拉赫姆附庸国王确实在五月退出了历史舞台，年迈的查士丁尼与他的萨珊对手霍斯劳达成另一项和平条约，时间在五月或五月，条约也要求双方的阿拉伯附庸势力停战。

However much fiction is laced through this hagiography, the Lachmid client king was out of the picture in May, and an elderly Justinian, together with his Sasanian counterpart Khosrow, agreed to another peace treaty in May or May, which also mandated peace between their Arab client forces.

这些附庸势力如今在维持拜占庭与波斯边境现状方面比以往任何时候都更为关键。

These client forces were now more instrumental than ever in maintaining the status quo in the Byzantine Persian borderland.

拜占庭历史学家门南德在50年代和90年代期间记载，拜占庭的加萨尼德盟友被视为与帝国支持者地位相当的‘西米科伊’，而非下属。

The Byzantine historian Menander, at work during the May and nineties, describes the Byzantine Ghassanid allies as simikoi or roughly equals to their imperial backers rather than subordinates.

查士丁尼于5月去世，而阿尔·哈里思也在5月去世，两人曾共同维持了长达三十五年的富有成效的关系；而阿尔·哈里思的对手阿尔蒙德罗斯为萨珊王朝服务的时间甚至更长。

Justinian, who died in May, and Al Harith, who died in May, had shared a productive relationship for three and a half decades, while al Harith's counterpart, Alamonderos, had served the Sasanians for even longer.

对拜占庭人而言，阿尔·哈里思之子阿尔蒙迪尔接替父亲职责、担任新的加萨尼德附庸国王、管理拜占庭帝国的叙利亚边疆，是顺理成章的事。

For the Byzantines, it was only natural that al Harith's son, Almondir, would assume his father's duties and manage the Byzantine Empire's Syrian frontier as the new Ghassanid client king.

阿尔蒙迪尔（阿拉伯语：阿尔蒙迪尔·本·阿尔·哈里思）效忠于新拜占庭皇帝查士丁二世，但他与希腊语帝国的合作远不如他父亲那般顺利。

Almondir, in Arabic, Almondir ubn al Khareth served under the new Byzantine emperor Justin the second, and his partnership with the Greek speaking empire would not go as smoothly as his father's had.

尽管拜占庭人和波斯人在5月重申了和平协议，但波斯的阿拉伯辅助部队却在5月袭击了拜占庭的阿拉伯辅助部队，违反了协议条款。

Although Byzantines and Persians had renewed their peace agreement by May, Persian Arab auxiliaries attacked Byzantine Arab auxiliaries in May, breaking the terms of the agreement.

新任加萨尼德国王阿尔蒙迪尔击败了拉赫姆侵略者，并向新拜占庭皇帝查士丁二世请求资金以弥补开支。

The new Gassanid king Almundi defeated the Lakhmed aggressors and asked the new Byzantine emperor Justin the second for money to cover expenses.

查士丁二世似乎勃然大怒，甚至可能策划了刺杀阿尔蒙迪尔的阴谋，尽管相关史料对此说法并不确凿。

Justin the second appears to have been furious, perhaps even launching a plot to assassinate Almundir, although the sources are shaky on the subject.

至少，这位帝国西部疆域严重过度扩张的新拜占庭皇帝，希望叙利亚前线保持和平与宁静，不会对那些似乎热衷于彼此复仇的阿拉伯附庸心存好感。

At the least, the new Byzantine emperor whose empire was badly overextended to the West wanted peace and quiet on the Syrian front and would not have looked kindly on Arab subordinates who seemed inclined to pursue vendettas against one another.

不管发生了什么，新的加萨尼德附庸国王与拜占庭指挥系统疏远了大约五年。

Whatever happened, the new Gassanid client king became estranged from Byzantine command for about five years.

在五七十年代初，如今也门的希木叶尔王国再次发生了一场政治地震。

Sometime in the early five seventies, the increasingly volatile Himyarite kingdom of present day Yemen had yet another political earthquake.

早在五世纪初，该王国的基督教化使其成为拜占庭与萨珊帝国无尽争斗中日益关注的焦点。

The Christianization of the kingdom in the early five hundreds had made it an increasing source of interest in the unending strife between the Byzantine and Sasanian empires.

无论谁控制希木叶尔，都能在半岛南部获得立足点，并掌控一个重要的海上贸易枢纽。

Whoever controlled Himyar had a foothold in the South of the peninsula and a major hub of maritime trade.

无论原因如何，波斯军队在五七十年代初、查士丁二世统治的早期再次入侵并征服了希木叶尔王国。

Whatever the cause was, Persian forces invaded and conquered the Himyarite kingdom again in the early five seventies during the first years of Justin the second's reign.

大约在同一时期，拜占庭人与萨珊人再次陷入全面战争。

And around this time, the Byzantines and Sasanians became locked in a full scale war again.

这场爆发的战争，历史学家称之为572年至591年的萨珊战争，是穆罕默德童年时期人们经常讨论的话题，尽管其主战场位于现代叙利亚、伊拉克和土耳其交界处，距麦加1100英里之遥。

The war that flared up, which historians call the Sasanian War of five seventy two to five ninety one, would have been a common subject of discussion during Muhammad's childhood, although its epicenter was up where modern day Syria, Iraq, and Turkey come together 1,100 miles away from Mecca.

战争进行六年后，拜占庭皇帝查士丁二世在位十三年，经历疯狂而不幸的统治后去世。

Six years into it, the Byzantine emperor Justin the second, having had a frantic and unlucky thirteen year tenure on the Byzantine throne, died.

他由提比略二世继位，后者统治至公元582年；随后是莫里斯，他于公元602年6月20日登基。

He was succeeded by the emperor Tiberius the second, who ruled from May to '82, and Maurice, who reigned from May to 06/2002.

提比略于五月首次召见加萨尼德附庸王阿尔蒙迪尔前往君士坦丁堡，很可能希望化干戈为玉帛，重新与强大的阿拉伯盟友恢复拜占庭联盟。

Tiberius first summoned the Gassanid client, king Almondir, to Constantinople in the year May, in all likelihood wanting to let bygones be bygones and renew the Byzantine alliance with their powerful Arab allies.

阿尔蒙迪尔应召前来并同意提供帮助，但作为加萨尼德附庸王，他也借此机会争取为阿拉伯基督教一性论派争取宗教保护。

Almundir showed up and agreed to help, but the Ghassanid client king Almundir also sought to secure religious protection for Arab Christian monophysites as he was in a position to bargain.

此前，安条克主教职位的一性论派任命引发了一场争议，阿尔蒙迪尔希望确保叙利亚及其周边地区对他所属教派的基督徒安全。

There had been a recent controversy surrounding a monophysite appointee to the bishopric of Antioch, and al Mundir wanted to keep Syria and its surroundings safe for Christians of his own sect.

显然已达成所愿后，阿尔蒙迪尔同意军事支援拜占庭，于五月与拜占庭将军、未来的皇帝莫里斯一同向东进军波斯领土。

Having evidently got what he wanted, al Mundir agreed to help the Byzantines militarily, joining the Byzantine general and soon to be emperor Maurice in an eastward campaign into Persian territory in the year May.

这次远征成果参差不齐，并未取得拜占庭人所期望的决定性胜利。

The campaign's results were mixed and did not yield the decisive success that the Byzantines had hoped for.

拜占庭史家对莫里斯的远征持敌视态度，将莫里斯即将登基前的失败归咎于这位阿拉伯一性论派附庸王。

Byzantine historians of Maurice's campaigns were hostile toward al Mundir, blaming the Arab monophysite client king for the soon to be emperor's failure.

他们的敌意源于古希腊罗马人对蛮族外人的传统猜疑，但更紧迫的原因是对一性论派基督教日益加剧的不容忍。

Their hostility was due to the old Greco Roman suspicion of barbarian outsiders, but more pressingly, to an increasing intolerance of monophysite Christianity.

这种不容忍最终导致了一场阴谋，君士坦丁堡的迦克墩正统派精英策划除掉阿尔蒙迪尔。

This intolerance eventually resulted in a plot, a plot by the Chalcedonian Orthodox elite of Constantinople to get rid of Almondir.

在他被以虚假借口召见后，这位附庸国王连同他的妻子和子女一起被囚禁。

After he was summoned on false pretenses, the client king was, along with his wife and children, imprisoned.

然而，他的拜占庭俘虏未能抓住阿尔蒙迪尔的长子，后者开始在现代叙利亚和约旦地区袭击拜占庭领土， understandably 转而对抗这个曾为他家族服务两代的反复无常的帝国。

His Byzantine captors, however, did not manage to secure Almundir's eldest son who began raiding Byzantine territories in modern day Syria and Jordan, understandably turning against the fickle empire that his family had now served for two generations.

这些袭击并未使阿尔蒙迪尔恢复权力。

The raids did not restore Almundir to power.

关于阿尔蒙迪尔晚年的情况，史料变得稀少，但似乎他被流放到西西里，直到公元602年皇帝莫里斯去世后才被允许返回家乡。

Sources become scantered toward the end of Almundir's life, but it seems he was exiled to Sicily and permitted to return home when the emperor Maurice died in 06/2002.

在5世纪最后二十年间，拜占庭帝国继续雇佣阿拉伯民兵协助他们在波斯前线作战，但他们不再把所有希望寄托于单一的阿拉伯盟友。

The Byzantine Empire, during the final two decades of the May, continued to commission Arab militias to help them on the Persian front, but they no longer put all their eggs in one Arab basket.

持续了半个多世纪、曾为双方带来丰硕成果的拜占庭-加萨尼德联盟，于5月终结。

The era of the Byzantine Ghassanid alliance, which had fruitfully served both sides for more than half a century, ended in May.

尽管拜占庭-加萨尼德联盟因宗教偏见在5月逐渐瓦解，波斯-拉赫姆联盟却又延续了二十年。

While the Byzantine Ghassanid alliance sputtered out in May due more than anything else to religious prejudices, the Persian Lachmid alliance persisted for two decades longer.

他在安努曼的统治下完成这一过程，安努曼是我们在本节目里讨论的公元5世纪至602年6月期间拉赫姆王座上的最后一位附庸国王。

It did so under Anuman, the final client king whom we will discuss in this program on the Lakhmid throne between May and 06/2002.

附庸国王安努曼服务过一系列动荡的萨珊国王。

The client king Anuman served a bumpy sequence of Sassanian kings.

他统治着著名的希拉城——位于现代伊拉克纳杰夫以南约90英里、巴格达以南的地方——在统治后期的5世纪至6世纪期间，安努曼经历了萨珊帝国的内战，效忠于萨珊皇帝霍斯劳二世。

Ruling from the storied city of Al Hira, again, just south of modern day Najaf, Iraq, about 90 miles south of Baghdad, Al Numan weathered a Sassanian civil war between May and May during the second half of his reign serving the Sassanian emperor Khosro the second.

附庸国王安努曼及其前任阿尔蒙迪罗斯，在整个六世纪的基督教传统中被贬低为拜占庭-波斯边境上迫害虔诚信徒的异教徒。

The Lachmid client king, Ottoman, along with his predecessor Almonderos, were vilified in Christian traditions as pagan persecutors of the pious in the Byzantine Persian frontier for much of the sixth century.

尤其是叙利亚基督教文献将这最后两位拉赫姆君主描绘成凶残的暴君，热衷于迫害基督徒，并将他们与基督徒的加萨尼德人形成鲜明对比。

Syriac Christian sources in particular describe these final two Lachmid monarchs as quite nasty people out for Christian blood and contrasting them with the Christian Ghosanids.

然而，这种刻板印象存在一些严重问题。

There are some major problems with this stereotype though.

第一个问题是，阿拉伯拉赫姆人最终听命于波斯帝国。

The first is that the Arab at Lakhmids were ultimately taking orders from the Persian Empire.

第二个问题是，当阿拉伯拉赫姆人自行发动袭击时，他们只针对拜占庭的财富所在地，而不问财富属于谁。

The second is that when the Arab Lakhmids conducted raids of their own accord, they went for where the Byzantine riches were regardless of who had them.

第三点是，当时有许多基督教的拉赫姆人，包括他们的最后一位国王阿努曼，他在五月皈依了基督教。

The third is that there were plenty of Christian Lakhmids, including their final king, Anuman, who converted to the religion in May.

多位作者曾记载过他的皈依事迹。

A number of authors wrote about his conversion.

阿努曼似乎曾一度回归异教信仰，之后又重新皈依基督教。

Anuman seems to have reverted to his pagan faith for a period and then returned to Christianity.

因此，总体而言，认为拜占庭人及其阿拉伯附属盟友是基督徒，而波斯人及其阿拉伯辅助部队不是基督徒，这是一种错误的假设。

So in summation, it's a mistake to assume that the Byzantines and their Arab client auxiliaries were Christian, whereas the Persians and their Arab auxiliaries were not.

在穆罕默德生活的时代，宗教与语言、民族差异一起，偶尔成为拜占庭与波斯冲突中的一个因素。

Religion, together with linguistic and ethnic differences, was an occasional ingredient in the Byzantine Persian conflicts during Muhammad's lifetime.

但这两个帝国，尤其是它们之间的边界，太过多元，基督教和祆教内部又存在太多分支，因此这场长期冲突不能被简单理解为任何一方的圣战。

But the empires and certainly the frontier between them were too diverse, and Christianity and Zoroastrianism both had too many subdivisions within them for the long conflict to be understood as a holy war on either side.

阿努曼先皈依、后背离、再重新皈依聂斯托利派基督教，正是伊斯兰教黎明前夕边疆地区复杂宗教信仰的典型案例。

Annuman, who converted then reverted then converted back to Nestorian Christianity, is a case study of the borderlands complex religiosity just before the dawn of Islam.

拉赫姆国王阿努曼在六月初期突然失宠于科斯罗二世国王。

The Lachmid king, Anuman, famously fell out of favor with king Khosro the second in the first years of the June.

他的衰落可能是由于这位附庸国王皈依基督教所致。

His decline may have been due to the client king's conversion to Christianity.

尽管基督教主教区也遍布波斯帝国，但基督教的根源在西方，而非东方。

Although Christian bishoprics seeded the Persian empire as well, Christianity's roots lay in the West and not the East.

但科斯罗二世有一位基督教妻子，因此在日益基督教化的领土上任命一位基督教附庸来执行他的命令，可能与委派一位阿拉伯人统治阿拉伯人并无不同。

But Khosro the second had a Christian wife, and so having a Christian subordinate to carry out his wishes in an increasingly Christian territory may have felt no different than delegating an Arab to rule over Arabs.

三位世纪后，穆斯林历史学家塔巴里写道，附庸国王安努曼犯了一个错误，杀害了君主最珍爱的宫廷诗人，这个故事细节如此奇特，或许蕴含着些许真实。

The Muslim historian Al Tabari, three centuries after Anuman's death, wrote that the client king Anuman had made the mistake of killing his patron's most prized court poet, a story oddly specific enough to perhaps carry some grain of truth.

关于安努曼之死还有其他说法，但无论真相如何，安努曼最终失宠，并于公元620年或稍后被处决。

There are other narratives about Anuman's demise, but however it happened, Anuman fell out of favor and he was executed in 06/2002 or sometime just after.

现在，我们在本节目中已探讨了大量内容，并重点关注了西方的拜占庭加萨尼德王朝和东方的萨珊王朝拉赫姆王朝。

Now, we have covered plenty of ground in this program, and we've paid a great deal of attention to the Byzantine Ghassanid dynasty to the West and the Sassanian Lachman dynasty to the East.

让我们总结一些宏观结论。

Let's draw some big conclusions.

第一点涉及阿拉伯半岛的后期历史，即先知穆罕默德于六月去世至拉希德哈里发国于六月结束之间的岁月。

The first has to do with the later history of Arabia, the years between the prophet Muhammad's death in June and at the end of the Rashidun caliphate in June.

如果你对伊斯兰教的历史有所了解，就会知道第一个哈里发国领导的军事扩张，其迅猛程度超过了自亚历山大大帝近一千年前以来的任何一次扩张。

If you know anything about the history of Islam, you know that the first caliphate led a military expansion more explosive than any that had taken place since those of Alexander of Macedon almost a thousand years earlier.

从六月到六月，穆斯林军队征服了萨珊帝国，并几乎也占领了拜占庭帝国。

Between June and June, Muslim armies conquered the Sasanian Empire and nearly took over the Byzantine Empire too.

伊斯兰史学中对穆斯林成功的一种传统解释是，伊斯兰教统一了阿拉伯半岛上分散的部落群体，并赋予他们传播信仰的神圣天命。

A traditional explanation for their success in Islamic historiography is that Islam united the disparate tribal groups of Arabia and charged them with a divine manifest destiny to spread the faith.

忽视这种优雅而有吸引力的意识形态在建立第一个伊斯兰帝国时所发挥的凝聚作用，将是愚蠢的。

And it would be silly to ignore the galvanizing effect that the elegant and appealing ideology had in forming the first Islamic empire.

但在穆罕默德出生之前，阿拉伯半岛上就已经发生并持续着另一件事，这件事同样发生在罗马的达尔马提亚、默西亚、达契亚和潘诺尼亚。

But before Muhammad was born, something else was happening and had already been happening in Arabia, something that had happened in Roman Dalmatia, Mesia, Dacia, and Pannonia.

几代以来，帝国边陲的一群外来者吸收了帝国的技术，并接触到了庞大国家体系的治理与官僚制度。

A group of outsiders on the imperial periphery had for several generations absorbed imperial technology and been exposed to the governance and bureaucracy of a giant state system.

这些外来者早已拥有古老而本土的文化。

These outsiders already had an ancient and indigenous culture.

当这种文化与帝国文化碰撞时，这些外来者逐渐变得比他们内部纷争的帝国宗主更加团结和强大。

And when that culture splashed together with the imperial one, the outsiders were slowly able to become more united and formidable than their squabbling imperial patrons.

拉希顿哈里发国著名的军事胜利，其根源可追溯至更早的几个世纪，当时阿拉伯雇佣兵在现今的叙利亚和伊拉克地区为罗马和波斯效力，后来又为加萨尼德和莱赫米德王国作战。

The famous military successes of the Rashidun caliphate then had roots in the obscurer centuries of Arab mercenaries working up in present day Syria and Iraq for Rome and Persia and, later, fighting on behalf of the Ghassanid and Lachmid kingdoms.

我们可以从这一事件中得出的第二个结论，与这些王国本身有关。

And the second conclusion we can draw from this episode has to do with those very kingdoms.

在六世纪期间，拜占庭和波斯帝国是强大而稳固的国家。

The Byzantine and Persian empires, over the course of the five hundreds, were mighty robust states.

如果它们不是如此强大，其强大的加萨尼德或莱赫米德附属势力本可能像西哥特人或墨洛温人那样，联合阿拉伯半岛中部和南部的部落，在第一任哈里发国之前一个世纪就建立一个阿拉伯帝国。

Had they not been, their powerful Ghassanid or Lakhmid subordinates might have gone the way of the Visigoths or Merovingians, rallying Arab tribes from the Middle And South Peninsula to create an Arab empire a century before the first caliphate.

一个北阿拉伯王国——或许是基督一性论或聂斯脱里派的王国——充分利用了当时先进的罗马和波斯军事技术，这一设想必定曾让拜占庭和萨珊统治者夜不能寐，也可能正是导致这两个王朝在六世纪末灭亡的主要原因。

The idea of a North Arab kingdom, perhaps a Monophysite or Nestorian one, which made full use of modern Roman and Persian military technologies, must have been something that Byzantine and Sasanian rulers ultimately lost sleep over and may have been a major reason for the extinction of these two dynasties at the end of the five hundreds.

然而，当拜占庭和波斯统治者废除了他们的阿拉伯附庸国王和附庸王国后，两大帝国便爆发了最终走向毁灭的战争，即公元628年战争。

When, however, Byzantine and Persian rulers did away with their Arab client kings and client kingdoms, the two empires exploded into what ended up being their terminal war, the June '28.

这场由希拉克略皇帝和科斯罗二世领导的战争，耗尽了双方的力量，为伊斯兰教扩张进入拜占庭和波斯领土铺平了道路；如果加萨尼德和莱赫米德王朝得以延续，这场战争的结果可能会大不相同。

This war, spearheaded by the rulers Heraclius and Khosro the second, which exhausted each side and paved the way for Islam's expansion into Byzantine and Persian territories, might have gone rather differently if the Ghassanid and Lachmid dynasties had persisted.

这些阿拉伯附庸国王曾一再被部署用于维持和平。

The Arab client kings had been deployed again and again for peacekeeping.

他们有时会闹矛盾。

They were sometimes fractious.

有时，他们会互相攻击。

Sometimes, they attacked one another.

但当他们消失后，当像阿尔·蒙迪尔这样的统治者精妙的政治策略和独特的宗教性不复存在时，拜占庭和萨珊帝国失去了维持双方脆弱平衡的某些机制，于是爆发了一场灾难性的战争，无人获胜——当然，那些作为他们臣属长达数个世纪的适应力强、坚韧不拔的阿拉伯人除外。

But when they were gone, when the deft political stratagems and unique religiosity of rulers like Al Mundir stopped being there, the Byzantine and Sasanian empires lost some of the mechanisms that had maintained the tenuous balance between them, and they fought a catastrophic war that nobody won, that nobody won excepting, of course, those adaptable, resilient Arabs who had been their subordinates for so many centuries.

在本集中，我们几乎未曾触及伊斯兰教兴起前阿拉伯的另一段历史。

There is another history of pre Islamic Arabia that we've scarcely touched on in this episode.

那就是伊斯兰教兴起前的阿拉伯部落的历史。

That is the history of pre Islamic tribes.

那些居住在半岛沿海和内陆的数十个群体，以及如今许多阿拉伯人仍认同的祖先。

The dozens of groups that inhabited the peninsula's coasts and interior, and ultimately, the ancestors with whom many Arabs still identify today.

尽管我们在这个节目中已经涉及了很多内容，但我还想再深入一点，谈谈穆罕默德之前阿拉伯的历史编纂，以及公元七、八世纪及之后的阿拉伯穆斯林历史学家是如何理解阿拉伯半岛上众多群体在先知穆罕默德时代之前的政治理关系与谱系的。

And while we've already covered a lot of ground in this program, I want to go a little further and talk about Arabic historiography prior to Muhammad and the way that Arab Islamic historians in the seven hundreds, eight hundreds, and afterward understood the politics, relationships, and lineage between the many different groups who lived in Arabia by the life of the prophet Muhammad.

到八世纪时，早期的阿拉伯穆斯林已经开始追溯他们的血统至两位始祖。

Early Arab Muslims by the eighth century were tracing their lineage back to two patriarchs.

这些祖先中的第一位是阿德南。

The first of these was Adnan.

根据传统，阿德南是以实玛利的后裔，以实玛利是《圣经》中亚伯拉罕的长子。

Adnan, according to tradition, was the descendant of Ishmael, the older son of Abraham in the bible.

在《创世记》中，可怜的以实玛利虽然是长子，但在上帝宣布以撒——亚伯拉罕的次子——将成为以色列人的祖先并与上帝立约后，他和母亲夏甲被赶到了沙漠中。

In the book of Genesis, poor Ishmael, though firstborn, is sent with his mother Hagar to live in the desert after God proclaims that Isaac, Abraham's younger son, will be the patriarch of the Israelites and share a covenant with God.

不过，以实玛利的流放并非毫无慰藉。

Ishmael's subsequent exile comes with a consolation, though.

上帝对亚伯拉罕说：‘我也必使以实玛利成为一国，因他也是你的后裔。’

God tells Abraham, quote, I will make a nation of Ishmael also because he is your offspring, close quote.

后来，上帝又向以实玛利的母亲夏甲保证：‘你起来，将孩子抱在怀中，我必使他成为大国。’

And then later, God assures Ishmael's mother Hagar, quote, lift up the boy and hold him fast with your hand, for I will make a great nation of him, close quote.

以实玛利因此成为《塔纳赫》中的显赫人物，是众族长之父亚伯拉罕的儿子，但在后来的正典圣经经文中却几乎未再被提及。

Ishmael then is one of the Tanakhs Lucents, a son of the patriarch of patriarchs, Abraham, hardly given any consideration in the remainder of canonized biblical scriptures.

《圣经》将以实玛利留在摩利亚地，说他学会了射箭，并娶了一位埃及女子为妻。

The Bible leaves Ishmael in a place called Moriah, having learned the craft of archery and married an Egyptian woman.

然而，在阿拉伯伊斯兰传统中，易司马仪（Ismail）是阿德南的祖先，阿德南是阿德南阿拉伯人的始祖。

In Arab Islamic traditions though, Ishmael or Ismail is the ancestor of Adnan from whom the Adnani Arabs descended.

阿德南阿拉伯部落与阿拉伯半岛的西部、东部和中部地区密切相关。

The Adnani Arab tribes were associated with much of the Arabian Peninsula, the Western, Eastern, and Central parts of the peninsula.

阿德南并未出现在《圣经》中，但他的名字出现在伊斯兰教之前的铭文中，表明在穆罕默德出生之前，他的名字已在阿拉伯中部和北部流传。

Adnan does not appear in the bible, but his name does show up in pre Islamic inscriptions indicating that his name was out there in Central And North Arabia prior to the life of Muhammad.

无论将阿拉伯始祖阿德南追溯至易司马仪的谱系是阿拉伯犹太人、阿拉伯基督徒还是阿拉伯穆斯林的创新，对我们而言最重要的是，阿德南被尊为众多阿拉伯部落的传奇祖先，这些部落的名称自七世纪以来便广为流传，包括马赫德、穆达尔、盖斯、阿布斯、巴克尔、阿萨德，以及先知穆罕默德所属的古莱什部落。

Whether assigning the Arab patriarch Adnan to the lineage of Ishmael was an Arab Jewish, Arab Christian, or Arab Muslim innovation, what's most important for our purposes is that Adnan was the legendary forefather of the many Arab tribes whose names have been in circulation since the seventh century, the Mahd, Mu'dar, Qais, Abs, Bakr, Assad, and also the Quraish tribe, the tribe of the prophet Muhammad.

在阿拉伯伊斯兰史学中，另一支部落则源自另一位始祖。

A whole different lineage of tribes in Arab Islamic historiography descended from another patriarch.

他的名字叫卡坦，是许多南阿拉伯部落的祖先。

His name was Qathan, and he was the forefather of many South Arabian tribes.

卡坦的名字出现在现代也门的伊斯兰教前铭文中，也出现在后来的阿拉伯历史著作中，这些著作声称卡坦是希木叶尔人、莱赫米德人以及许多其他南阿拉伯部落的祖先。

Qatan comes up in pre Islamic inscriptions from modern day Yemen and in later Arabic works of history in which Qatan was allegedly the forefather of the Himyarites, the Lakhmids, and many other tribes associated with South Arabia.

如果你刚接触阿拉伯世界，重要的是要记住，我们刚刚简要梳理的部落谱系，过去和现在对阿拉伯人而言都极为重要。

If you are a newcomer to the Arab world, it's important to remember that the tribal genealogy we've just raced through has been and continues to be very important for Arabs today.

如今伊斯兰历是1446年，该历法始于公元622年穆罕默德和首批穆斯林从麦加迁徙至麦地那的希吉拉事件。

It is presently 1446 in the Islamic calendar, which begins in the year June with the Hijra or migration of Muhammad and the first Muslims from Mecca to Medina.

自6月22日以来，伊斯兰世界的主要语言一直是阿拉伯语，这意味着伊斯兰学者一直能够接触到自中世纪早期以来保存下来的纯正阿拉伯语原始文献，这些文献记录了阿拉伯半岛古代部落及其复杂的谱系，尤其聚焦于古莱什部落以及先知穆罕默德的后裔。

And since 06/22, Islam's main operating language has continued to be Arabic, which means that a pure taproot of Arabic source texts dating back to the early medieval period have been available to Islamic scholars curious about the ancient tribes of the Arabian Peninsula and their complex genealogy, with a particular focus placed on the Quraysh tribe and the descendants of the prophet Muhammad himself.

阿德南系与卡坦系阿拉伯部落的庞大谱系——阿德南系指东部、西部和中部部落，卡坦系指南部部落——是早期穆斯林历史学家记录伊斯兰教前时期的重要核心内容。

The vast tribal lineages of the Adnani and Qatani Arabs, once again, the Adnani being the eastern, western, and central tribes and the Qatani being the southern tribes, the tribes of the Arabian Peninsula were central to the work of early Muslim historians who chronicled the pre Islamic period.

然而，尽管阿拉伯语作为伊斯兰历史与学术的通用语言已延续了十五个世纪，但即使是早期的伊斯兰历史学家，在记录公元500年前后及更早时期的历史时，也缺乏丰富的史料。

However, in as much as Arabic has been the standard language of Islamic history and scholarship for fifteen hundred years, even very early Islamic historians had sparse material to work with when it came to chronicling the five hundreds CE and what came before.

现在，在本节目即将结束之际，我想向你们讲述一个在早期伊斯兰历史中广为人知的故事，那是穆罕默德降生前阿拉伯半岛的一场著名部落冲突——名为‘巴苏斯之战’的战争，交战双方是位于上美索不达米亚的布克尔部落，和位于纳季德或阿拉伯半岛中部的基督教部落塔格利布。

I'd like to offer you an example now as we wrap up this program of a story famous in early Islamic history about one of the great tribal showdowns of Arabia before Muhammad, a conflict called the War of Al Basus between the Bukr tribe, seated in Upper Mesopotamia during the story you're about to hear, and the Taghlib tribe, a Christian group seated in the Najd or Central Arabian Peninsula.

在我讲述完这个故事后，我会讨论我们所拥有的相关文献来源，以及这些文献如何在九世纪上半叶逐渐成形。

After I tell you the story, I will talk about the source texts that we have for it and how they coalesced in the first half of the ninth century.

以下是巴苏斯之战的故事。

Here is the story of the War of Al Basus.

在阿拉伯语中称为‘哈巴·巴苏斯’，这是一场持续四十年的冲突，大约发生于穆罕默德祖父母可能亲眼见证的四月到五月之间。

In Arabic, Khab al Basus, a four decade conflict which took place from roughly the April until the May that Muhammad's grandparents might have witnessed.

四月时，一位名叫库勒布的强大国王统治着塔格利布部落。

In the April, a powerful king named Kuleb ruled over the Tughalib tribe.

库勒布是个骄傲的人，他曾击败过现今也门地区的阿拉伯部落。

Kuleb was a proud man, having defeated Arab tribes from present day Yemen.

他娶了来自巴克尔部落的一位名叫贾莉拉的女子，并允许贾莉拉的家人使用一片特殊的牧场，尽管他们属于不同的部落。

He had married a woman from the Bakr tribe named Jalila, and Kuleb allowed Jalila's family access to a special grazing land even though they were from a different tribe.

这片共享的牧场很快成为争议的焦点。

This shared grazing land soon became a point of contention.

一天，库勒布外出散步时，发现一只悲伤的鸟——一只云雀，正为破碎的蛋哭泣。

When Kuleb was out walking one day, he found a distressed bird, a lark, crying over her broken eggs.

塔格利布国王库勒布调查后，发现云雀栖息地周围遍布陌生的骆驼足迹，便记下了此事。

When king Kuleb of the Tagalib tribe investigated, he discovered strange camel tracks all around where the lark lived, and he made note of it.

第二天，塔格利布国王库勒布与他的妹夫——一位来自巴克尔部落的人——一同外出散步。

The next day, king Kuleb of the Tughalib tribe was out walking with his brother-in-law who was of the Bakr tribe.

在巴克尔部落的牲畜中，库勒布注意到一头陌生的骆驼。

And among the Bakr tribe's livestock, king Kuleb noticed an unfamiliar camel.

库莱布推断，这头骆驼一定是踩碎了那只可怜云雀蛋的罪魁祸首。

The camel, Kuleb reasoned, must have been the very animal that had trampled the poor lark's eggs.

库莱布告诉他的内兄，这头肇事的骆驼再也不能在这片共享的草地上放牧了，否则他就一箭射穿它的乳房。

King Kuleb told his brother-in-law that the offending camel must never graze on their shared pasturage again, or he would shoot an arrow into its udder.

库莱布的内兄激烈地抗议，说如果库莱布伤害了这头骆驼，他就会用长矛刺穿库莱布的后背。

Kuleb's brother-in-law remonstrated fiercely, saying that if Kuleb hurt the camel, then Kuleb would take a spear to the back.

库莱布与内兄怒目而视，各自离去，库莱布的妻子说，她哥哥绝不会退让，尽管她竭尽全力想缓解这两族之间突然激化的紧张局势。

Fuming, the in laws departed from one another, and Kuleb's wife said that her brother wouldn't back down, though his wife did her best to ease the tension suddenly billowing up between the two tribes.

然而，很快事情就出了岔子。

Soon, however, things went wrong.

库莱布在共享的部落草场上时，看到他内兄的骆驼四处践踏，疯狂地朝水源冲去。

Kuleb was out in the shared tribal grazing lands when he observed his in law's camel trampling all over the place and making a mad dash towards some water.

感到被冒犯，或许也深刻意识到塔加利布族与巴克尔族之间共享土地的微妙平衡，库莱布如他所承诺的那样，一箭射中了那头骆驼的乳房。

Feeling disrespected and perhaps acutely conscious of the delicate balance in the land shared between the Tagalib and Bakr tribes, Kuleb shot the offending camel in the utter as he'd promised.

那头可怜的单峰骆驼跛着脚逃到巴卡尔领地，倒在了库莱布婶母的帐篷前。

The poor dromedary limped to Bakkar territory and collapsed at the tent of king Kuleb's aunt-in-law.

她非常愤怒，说绝不会伤害客人，因为巴克尔人曾在塔加利布领地遭受不公，尽管曾有款待的承诺，而违背这样的承诺在古代阿拉伯文化中是严重的道德过失。

She was incensed, and she said she would never harm guests for Bakr people had been wronged on Tagalib territory in spite of promises of hospitality, and betraying such promises was a great moral infraction in ancient Arab culture.

库勒布的岳兄一听说塔加利布国王确实射杀了巴克尔的骆驼，便等待合适的时机。

Straight away, Kuleb's brother-in-law, hearing that the Taghalib king had indeed shot a Bakr camel, waited for the right opportunity.

当库勒布国王外出时未带武器，他便谋杀了塔加利布部落的国王库勒布。

And then when king Kuleb had gone out unarmed, he murdered king Kuleb of the Taghalib tribe.

不用说，这场弑君之举令巴克尔部落陷入震惊。

Needless to say, this regicide threw the Bakr tribe into consternation.

库勒布的岳兄名叫贾萨斯，所有人都认为他做得太过分了，于是他的父亲将他锁了起来。

Kuleb's brother-in-law, whose name was Jasas, had gone too far, everyone agreed, and the young man was put in chains by his father.

贾萨斯的父亲提议将贾萨斯交给塔加利布部落，让他们复仇，但巴克尔部落的其他成员不愿为和平牺牲自己的族人。

Jasas' father proposed that Jasas should be given to the Tagalib tribe so that they could have their revenge, but other members of the Bakr tribe were unwilling to sacrifice one of their own for the sake of peace.

因此，由于巴克尔部落中一些人的固执与尚武精神，战争爆发了——这场战争的根源竟是破碎的鸟蛋和一头骆驼，最终持续了四十年。

And so, due to the intransigence and martial spirit of some of the Bakr tribe, a war broke out, a war with roots in broken bird's eggs and a single camel, a war that would eventually last forty years.

尽管战争持续了很长时间，但并非所有人都认为它有必要。

Though the war dragged on for a long time, not everyone was convinced it was necessary.

一位公正的巴克尔部落战士说：‘我在这场争端中既没有骆驼，也没有母骆驼。’

A fair minded warrior of the Bakr tribe said, quote, I have neither camel nor she camel in it, close quote.

换句话说，我与此事无关，这个说法至今在阿拉伯语中仍很常见。

In other words, I don't have a horse in this race, an expression still common in Arabic today.

然而，随着战争加剧，保持中立变得越来越困难。

Yet as the war intensified, maintaining neutrality on either side became increasingly difficult.

那个不想卷入争端的人是哈里斯。

The man who didn't want to get involved was Harith.

哈里斯的侄子被新的塔加利布国王穆哈利勒杀害，而穆哈利勒正是已故库勒布的兄弟。

Poor Harith's nephew was murdered by the new Tagalog king, Muhalil, brother of the slain Kuleb.

当哈里斯为了不惜一切代价寻求和平，向凶手穆哈利勒发去消息，询问杀害他的侄子是否已足够满足对方的复仇欲望时，穆哈利勒回答说，他只为他哥哥的鞋扣报了仇。

When Harith, trying to make peace at all costs, sent a message to the murderous Muhalil asking whether the murder of Harith's nephew were sufficient for Muhalil's desire for vengeance, Muhalil said he had only had enough vengeance for his brother's sandal buckle.

换句话说，他才刚刚开始。

In other words, he was just getting started.

这反过来把本想寻求和平的哈里斯拖入了战争。

This in turn dragged Harith who had sought peace into war.

哈里思是一位战略家，因为他的部落巴克尔战士人数少于肆虐的塔加利布部落。

Harith was a strategist because his tribe, the Bakr, had fewer warriors than the ravaging Tagalib tribe.

巴克尔的哈里思想出了一个计策。

Harith of the Bakr came up with a scheme.

巴克尔族的妇女们会随男子一同前往，携带水和棍棒。

The Bakr tribeswomen would come with the men bearing water and clubs.

计划是所有巴克尔男子都明确标记自己，当战斗展开、伤者倒地时，巴克尔妇女会给这些标记过的男子供水，并扶他们起来，同时杀死任何没有巴克尔标记的人。

The plan was that all of the Bakr men would mark themselves clearly, and that as the battle unfolded and the injured fell to the ground, the Bocker women would give water to the thusly marked Bocker men and help them back up, and the Bocker women would kill anyone without the appropriate Bakkar marking.

于是所有巴克尔男子都剃光了头发。

The Bakkar men then all shaved their heads.

也就是说，所有巴克尔男子都剃了头，只有一人例外，名叫贾达尔，他拒绝剪发。

All of the Bakkar men, that is, but one, a man named Jadar, who refused to cut his hair.

正如你可能预料的那样，贾达尔在战斗中受伤倒地，巴克尔妇女误以为他是敌人，用棍棒打死了这个固执留发的人。

As you might predict, Jadar fell during the battle, injured, and the Bakr women, mistaking him for one of the enemy, clubbed the stubbornly hirsut man to death.

妇女们出现在战场上使巴克尔部落赢得了战斗，但这也付出了代价。

The presence of women on the battlefield enabled the Bakr clan to win the battle, but it came with a cost.

随着妇女一同前来的，还有一些孩子。

Along with the women, necessarily came some children.

当巴克尔部落的孩子被塔加利布战士杀害时，巴克尔战士们便猛烈地反击。

And when children from the Bakr tribe were killed by Tagalib warriors, Bakr fighters attacked them fiercely.

阿尔巴苏斯坦战争在阿拉伯半岛东北部及现代伊拉克北部多个地点爆发，从四月持续到五月，最终在拉赫姆国王阿拉蒙德罗斯的强制调解下，交战部落达成了和平协议。

The war of Al Basustan fought in various places in the Northeast of The Arabian Peninsula and way up into the North of modern day Iraq between the April and May finally came to an end when the Lachmid king Alamonderos forced the warring tribes to broker peace.

这就是穆罕默德祖父母一代所经历的一场重大部落冲突的故事。

So that was the tale of a major tribal conflict during the years of Muhammad's grandparents' generation.

这个故事在各种史料中极为精彩，充满电影般的场景、铿锵有力的独白、真诚的和平努力，却被不幸的巧合所摧毁，以及因骄傲而追求复仇，最终酿成悲剧。

It's a great story in the various source texts, full of cinematic moments, ringing monologues, earnest efforts toward peacemaking that are steamrolled by unfortunate coincidences, and prideful pursuits of revenge that ultimately beget tragedy.

与其它异教古代史诗一样，这个故事中没有绝对的英雄或反派，而是两个彼此都负有责任的阵营，既展现了英勇，也犯下了错误。

As with other epics from pagan antiquity, it is a story with neither heroes nor villains, but instead two forces mutually culpable of valor as well as mistakes.

据我们所知，六世纪的阿拉伯口头诗歌在叙事和道德层面都极为复杂，语言上也极为优美，其特定的韵律和尾韵为阿拉伯吟游诗人提供了记忆辅助。

The oral Arabic poetry of the sixth century was, from what we can tell, both narratively and morally complex, as well as linguistically marvelous, driven by specific meters and end rhymes that served Arab bards as mnemonic devices.

尽管这个故事包含戏剧性场景、独白和诗意的夸张修饰，但它仍蕴含着宝贵的历史价值。

There is also valuable history in the story you just heard in spite of its set pieces and soliloquies and varnish of poetic license.

当我们想到古代半岛上部落之间的世仇时，可能会忍不住想象这些是基于琐事和微不足道的荣誉问题而爆发的无尽氏族战争。

When we think of feuds between tribes on the peninsula during antiquity, we may be tempted to imagine unending clan wars based on peccadilloes and trivial matters of honor.

然而，阿尔巴苏兹战争的起因可能比我们最初看起来更为重要。

However, the cause of the War of Al Basuz is probably more significant than it might seem to us at first glance.

塔加利布部落和巴克尔部落共同使用的牧场，以及库莱布允许其姻亲使用的牧场，曾是极为宝贵的资源。

The grazing lands shared between the Tagalib and Bakr tribes, the grazing lands to which Kulaibe allows his in laws access, would have been a very precious resource.

获得安全的牧场、狩猎资源、贸易商品，尤其是水源，部落间关于如何共享这些资源的协议，远比绑架新娘、轻微越界或集市和路口的小争执更常引发战争。

Access to secure pasturage, to hunting, trade goods, and above all else, water, tribal and intertribal agreements on how to share such resources would have been the cause of wars far more often than kidnapped brides or petty trespasses or tiffs at fairs and crossroads.

在阿拉伯半岛广袤的地区，资源极为匮乏，与水、食物、牧场和待客之道相关的小过失，更可能引发群体间的暴力，但这并非因为这些群体天性冲动或过于执着于荣誉、待客之道或礼节，而是因为部落居民正努力在某些地方几乎无法维持人类生存的环境中活下去。

With resources so scant in large stretches of the Arabian Peninsula, small infractions related to water, food, pasturage, and hospitality were more likely to prompt violence between groups, not because these groups were passionate by nature or hung up on honor or hospitality or propriety, but because tribespeople were trying to stay alive in an environment that, in places, only barely supported human existence.

因此，阿尔巴苏兹战争是一个充满诗意与历史细节的故事。

The War of Al Basuz then is a story rich with poetic and historical detail.

但我刚刚告诉你的这个故事，学者罗纳德·尼科尔森称之为‘伊斯兰前时代最著名的战争’，却经过了长达三百年的传颂回响才流传至今。

But the story I just told you, which scholar, Ronald Nicholson, calls, quote, the most famous war waged in pre Islamic times, close quote, also comes down to us by means of an echo chamber 300 long.

关于阿尔巴苏兹战争最重要的原始文献是一本名为《哈马萨》的诗集，由阿拔斯王朝的学者兼诗人艾布·塔马姆于公元九世纪初编纂而成，是我们了解早期阿拉伯诗歌的重要来源之一。

The most important main source text on the war of Al Basuz is a book called the Hamasah, a poetic compilation put together in the early eight hundreds by the Abbasid scholar and poet Abu Tamam, one of our great sources on early Arabic poetry.

记载阿尔巴苏斯战争的主要阿拉伯诗歌据称由巴克尔部落和塔加利布部落的成员创作，分别是巴克尔部落的哈里思·伊本·希利扎和塔加利布部落的安尔·伊本·古苏姆。

The main Arabic poems chronicling the war of al Basus were allegedly written by members of the Bakr and the Tagalib tribes, Al Harith ibn al Hilizah of the Bakr and then Amr ibn al Quthum of the Tagalib.

参与此类冲突的部落成员或其后裔创作诗歌记述古代阿拉伯的战争，这对历史学家来说无疑是件好事。

The fact that the tribespeople involved in such conflicts or their descendants composed poems about ancient Arabia's wars is, needless to say, a good thing for historians.

当然，就像所有口头文化一样，任何部落编年史家记录事件的意图在某种程度上都是为了为后世澄清事实。

And surely, as in all oral cultures, the intention of any tribal chronicler of events was to some degree setting the facts straight for posterity.

然而，正如任何文化中涉及民族或国家起源的诗歌一样，人类往往倾向于运用诗意的自由，以使自己和自己的氏族显得更光荣，或 alternatively，赞美那些支付报酬请他们写作的赞助人。

However, as with any poetry of any culture discussing ethnic or national ancestry, human beings have a compelling inclination to make use of poetic license, to make ourselves and our own clans look good, or alternatively, to praise the patrons who are paying us to write.

与关于阿尔巴苏斯战争的史诗诗歌同时代，一位勃艮第的诗人正在撰写《弗雷德加编年史》，其中声称墨洛温王朝的始祖梅罗维赫是女人与一种神奇海兽结合所生。

Contemporary to the epic poems about the War of Al Basus, a poet in Burgundy was writing the Chronicle of Fredegar, which claimed that Merevech, patriarch of the Merovingian dynasty, was born from the union of a woman and a magical sea creature.

在古代撰写历史时，神话渲染和纯粹虚构始终是其中的一部分；当我们用现代对历史学家应为公正事实传播者的期待去审视公元六世纪时，这种标准是时代错置的。

A glaze of myth making and pure fiction was always part of history written during antiquity, and our current expectations for historians to be impartial purveyors of facts are anachronistic when applied to a century like the five hundreds.

因此，当我们研究伊斯兰教前阿拉伯部落的历史时，尤其是作为阿拉伯文化的局外人，我们会面临两个挑战。

When we approach the tribal history of pre Islamic Arabia then, we are confronted with two challenges, especially if we're outsiders to Arab culture.

第一个挑战是这段历史的复杂性：许多源自阿德南和卡坦的部落群体各自拥有自己的历史和故事体系，许多当代阿拉伯家族、王朝和地区都声称自己的根源可追溯至这些始祖，尽管其认真程度各不相同。

The first is the complexity of this history as many of the tribal groups descended from the Adnan and Khatan have their own histories and story cycles, and many contemporary Arab families, dynasties, regions trace their roots back to these progenitors, though with varying degrees of earnestness.

第二个问题是我们在前面提到的历史编纂问题：古代阿拉伯部落的许多历史，是通过八世纪及以后的编年史家和诗人传下来的，他们收集整理了五世纪及更早时期的诗歌与传说，而这些诗歌与传说在被书写下来之前，已经口耳相传了两个世纪，且书写它们的社会与最初孕育这些文化的社会已大不相同。

The second is the historiographical problem that we've just considered, that much of the tribal history of ancient Arabia comes down to us via chroniclers and poets of the eight hundreds and after anthologizing the poetry and legends of the five hundreds and before, poetry and legends that survived orally for two centuries before being written down in societies very different than the ones that had engendered them.

尽管存在这些历史编纂上的挑战，我仍希望你们至少能听到一个关于伊斯兰前时代的阿拉伯伊斯兰故事。

In spite of such historiographical challenges, I still wanted you to hear at least one Arab Islamic story about the jihili period.

因为本节目此前充斥了希腊和罗马历史学家及其类似人物。

Since the present program has been so full of Greek and Roman historians and their like.

说到贾希利亚时期，既然我们已经听过了阿尔巴苏斯战争的故事，我们现在可以开始理解这个术语的含义，也许早在伊斯兰历史早期就已经如此了。

And speaking of al Jahiliyyah, now that we've heard the story of the War of Al Basus, we can begin to understand what this term meant, perhaps even very early in Islamic history.

贾希利亚（Al Jahiliyyah）是一个阿拉伯语词汇，通常被译为‘伊斯兰出现之前的蒙昧时期’。

Al Jahiliyyah, again, is an Arabic word that's generally translated as, quote, the period of ignorance before Islam, close quote.

正如我所说，这是伊斯兰历史中的一个贬义词，将穆罕默德之前的时代斥为不敬与愚昧的史诗。

It is, as I said, a condemnatory term in Islamic history, dismissing what came before Muhammad as an epic of impiety and benightedness.

然而，当‘贾希利亚’一词出现在《古兰经》本身中时，它在不同语境下有不同的译法。

Yet, Jahiliyyah is translated differently in different contexts when it appears in the Quran itself.

我认为，《古兰经》中的《法特赫章》使用这个词的方式，与我们当前的讨论密切相关。

And I think that Surat Al Feth in the Quran uses it in a way very pertinent to our current discussion.

让我们先听这段经文的阿拉伯语原文，然后再听英文版。

Let's hear this Surah first in Arabic and then in English.

或者用英文说：‘不信道者在他们心中激起愤怒，那是蒙昧时代的愤怒。’

Or in English, quote, disbelievers had stirred up fury in their hearts, the fury of ignorance or Jahiliyah.

真主将宁静降于他的使者和信士们，并使他们遵守服从真主的誓言，因为这对他们来说更为恰当和合适。

God sent his tranquility down on his messenger and the believers and made binding on them their promise to obey God for it was more appropriate and fitting for them.

‘’

Close quote.

这里所指的愤怒，或许是那些困惑的多神教徒的愤怒，但也可能是阿拉伯半岛上世代相传的部落内战的愤怒，这种战争为半岛上的城镇居民和贝都因人所熟知。

The fury in question here was perhaps the fury of confused pagans, but it was also the fury of internecine tribal warfare in Arabia known to the peninsula's townspeople and Bedouins alike for generations.

在《古兰经》中，‘蒙昧时代’并不仅仅指亵渎神明。

In the Koran, Jahiliyah doesn't simply describe blasphemy.

它也描述了原始状态。

It also describes primitivity.

对后来撰写伊斯兰教之前部落冲突的阿拉伯穆斯林而言，他们生活在庞大而有序的帝国中，伊斯兰教是一种统一的力量，提供了比为云雀蛋和越界骆驼而爆发的悲剧性战争更为持久和凝聚的东西。

To later Arab Muslims, writing about the tribal conflicts that had predated Islam and living in large lawful empires, Islam had been a unifying force that offered something more permanent and cohesive than tragic wars fought over lark's eggs and trespassing camels.

但在伊斯兰教的最初几个世纪里，人们仍对贾希利亚时代的英勇与豪迈岁月怀有自豪与浓厚兴趣。

But, also, during the first centuries of Islam, there remained a pride in and a fascination with the valorous, hearty years of al Jahiliyah.

正如受过教育的雅典人讲述阿喀琉斯的故事，却明白这些故事属于文学创作。

As educated Athenians told stories about Achilles, but knew these stories were literature.

正如罗马精英阅读罗慕路斯与雷穆斯的传说，却持保留态度。

Just as elite Romans read tales of Romulus and Remus, but with a considerable grain of salt.

八九世纪及之后的穆斯林知识分子以自豪与着迷的态度阅读、保存并润色他们的贾希利亚历史，同时深知其中部分内容经过了修饰，部分反映了较不文明时代的缺陷。

Muslim intellectuals of the eight hundreds and nine hundreds and after read, preserved, and embellished their jihili history with pride, enthrallment, and at the same time, the knowledge that some of it was embellished and some of it reflected the deficiencies of a less civilized time.

因此，‘贾希利亚’是一个复杂的术语。

Al Jahiliyyah then is a complicated term.

它的主要含义确实是伊斯兰教之前的蒙昧时代。

Its primary meaning is indeed the period of ignorance before Islam.

但‘贾希利亚’也让人联想到一个更为简朴的史诗时代，那时阿拉伯文学的宏伟体系开始形成。

But al Jahiliyyah also calls to mind a simpler epic time when the awesome machinery of Arabic literature came into being.

那时，一个重视好客、公正与荣誉的古代阿拉伯文明在广袤而常显严酷的半岛土地上繁荣发展，人类历史上伟大的文明之一就此坚定地登上世界舞台。

When an ancient Arabian civilization with its emphasis on hospitality, fairness, and honor flourished over giant and often inhospitable stretches of the peninsula and when one of the great cultures of human history came decisively onto the world's stage.

我们刚才讨论的那场战争，传说中的巴苏斯战争，据传统记载催生了第一首阿拉伯挽歌。

That war we discussed a moment ago, the legendary war of Al Basus, according to tradition produced the first Arabic ode.

当塔加利布部落在冲突期间的领袖穆哈勒希尔创作了一首挽歌，以纪念他被杀害的兄弟库莱伯以及部落的前任领袖。

When Muhalhir, the leader of the Taghalib tribe during much of the conflict composed an ode to honor his brother, the murdered Kulaibe, and the tribe's previous leader.

在下一个节目中，我们将花几个小时深入了解伊斯兰教之前的阿拉伯诗歌。

And in the next program, we're going to spend a couple of hours learning all about pre Islamic Arabic poetry.

最早期阿拉伯诗歌的历史编纂极为复杂。

The historiography behind the earliest Arabic poetry is complicated.

其中一些内容可能是后世伪造的。

Some of it was probably forged in later centuries.

有些内容被篡改过，而所有这些诗歌都经历了从由吟诵者或专业朗诵者记忆口传，到数代之后被整理成文字汇编的过程。

Some of it was tampered with, and all of it went from oral compositions memorized by Rawis or professional reciters to written compilations collected generations later.

尽管存在这些复杂性，但仍有不少阿拉伯诗歌从公元五世纪左右留存至今。

In spite of these complexities though, a fair amount of Arabic poetry survives from within and around the five hundreds CE.

最著名的是，一组被称为‘穆阿勒卡特’或‘悬诗’的七首挽歌，构成了当今阿拉伯诗歌的根源。

Most famously, a collection of seven odes called the muh al laqat or hanging poems form the taproot of Arabic poetry today.

这些颂诗或卡西达是篇幅漫长、内容多样且复杂的文学作品，但卡西达只是至今仍存的贾希利亚诗歌的一种形式。

These odes or qasidas are lengthy, diverse, complex works of literature, but the qasida is only one form of jahili poetry still extant today.

五世纪的阿拉伯人创作了多种体裁的作品。

Arabs of the five hundreds wrote in a variety of genres.

同样，卡西达或颂诗有其自身的规范，此外还有希吉亚或讽刺诗、法赫尔或自夸诗、里塔赫或哀歌、萨阿利克或流浪者诗，以及其他多种形式。

Again, the Qasidah or ode, which had its own conventions, but also the hijjah or satire, the fahr or boast poem, the rithah or lament, the Sa'alik or wanderer poem, and more besides these.

尽管研究最早阿拉伯文学仍面临历史编纂学上的挑战，贾希利亚诗歌仍是一份令人惊叹的文学遗产。

While once again there are historiographical challenges to studying the earliest Arabic literature, Jahili poetry is still a wondrous body of work.

下一次，我们将深入探讨著名的穆阿勒卡特或悬诗，并研究卡西达——古代阿拉伯最具代表性的诗歌形式。

Next time, we'll go through the famous Mu'al Akat or hanging poems and explore the Qasidah, ancient Arabia's quintessential poetic form.

但我们也会认识一些早期阿拉伯文学中极具传奇色彩的人物。

But we'll also meet some of the larger than life personalities of early Arabic literature.

安提拉·伊本·阿卜杜、塔雷法·伊本·阿卜德、阿尔·汉萨等诗人，他们的作品已融入阿拉伯语文明长达一千五百年之久。

Imru Al Qais, to Abbat Asharan, Tarefah ibn al Abd, al Khan Sa, and other poets whose work has been part of Arabic speaking civilization for a thousand and a half years.

我在literatureandhistory.com上为本节目准备了一份测验。

I have a quiz on this program available at literatureandhistory.com.

试试看，并确保你能在标准英语转写中看到一些可能不熟悉的阿拉伯语词汇。

Give it a try and make sure you see some of these perhaps unfamiliar Arabic words in standard English transliterations.

我认为这会帮助你学习。

I think it will help you learn.

另外，查看本集的文本稿，它也链接在你的播客应用描述中，可以了解一些前伊斯兰时期阿拉伯的地图。

And check out the episode transcription, also linked to your podcast app's description, to see some useful maps of pre Islamic Arabia.

对于你们这些 Patreon 支持者，除了几周前我发给你们的那份特别秘密礼物外，我还录制了柯勒律治的诗作《忽必烈汗》，这首诗几天前刚迎来出版周年纪念。

For you Patreon supporters, in addition to that super special secret present I sent your way a couple weeks ago, I also recorded Coleridge's poem, Kublaikan, which had a publication anniversary just a couple of days ago.

希望你们喜欢这首诗。

Hope you enjoy that one.

我没有时间为此节目的结尾创作和录制一首原创曲子。

I didn't have time to write and record an original tune for the end of this show.

我始终没能得到我提到的那天假。

I never did get that day off I mentioned.

正如你们所想，从播客的一个季节过渡到下一个季节，同时彻底更换整个学术领域，可以说是相当耗时的，简而言之就是这样。

And as you can imagine, going from one season of the podcast to the next and effectively changing entire academic departments is, shall we say, time consuming, to put it concisely.

所以下次，我们将再次学习关于最早期阿拉伯诗歌的内容，了解其背后的历史学背景，并更好地认识晚期古代的阿拉伯半岛。

So next time, once again, we'll learn all about the earliest Arabic poetry, some of the historiography behind it, and get to know the late antique Arabian Peninsula a bit better.

感谢收听《文学与历史》，我们下次再见。

Thanks for listening to Literature and History, and I'll see you next time.