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一个幽灵,共产主义的幽灵,在欧洲游荡。
A spectre is haunting Europe, a spectre of communism.
旧欧洲的一切势力都为驱除这个幽灵而结成了神圣同盟。
All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter.
这是1848年由卡尔·马克思和弗里德里希·恩格斯撰写的《共产党宣言》的开篇。
So begins the communist manifesto, written in 1848 by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.
欢迎来到《历史其余部分》,我是多米尼克·桑德布鲁克,一位著名的马克思主义者,以及我的搭档、摇摆不定的布里克斯顿自由派托姆·霍兰德。
Welcome to The Rest is History with me, Dominic Sandbrook, well known Marxist, and my sidekick, wishy washy Brixton centrist liberal Tom Holland.
你好,同志。
Hello, comrade.
你好,同志。
Hello, comrade.
今天,我们要讨论共产主义——这一在19世纪末和20世纪大部分时间主导了大量讨论的伟大政治理论。
So today, we're talking about communism, the great political theory that dominated so much conversation in the late nineteenth and much of the twentieth centuries.
实际上,回过头看,托姆,当你知道,当我们还是孩子的时候,共产主义和资本主义似乎正在为争夺数百万人民的心灵与思想而展开真正的竞争。
And, actually, looking back, Tom, when you you know, when we were kids, communism and capitalism are locked in this genuine competition, so it seemed, for the hearts and minds of millions of people.
我的意思是,当你纵观世界地图时,我还记得童年时看到的那些地图。
I mean, when you survey the world, the map, I can remember those maps from my kind of childhood.
苏联及其所有卫星国,比如捷克斯洛伐克、南斯拉夫、波兰、匈牙利、东德等等。
The Soviet Union and all its satellite states, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Poland, Hungary, East Germany, and so on.
在非洲,你有安哥拉、埃塞俄比亚、莫桑比克这样的地方。
You had in Africa, you had places like Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique.
你还有阿富汗、蒙古,当然还有中华人民共和国,它至今在技术上仍是共产主义国家,古巴、越南和老挝也是如此,但此后共产主义的影响力已大幅衰退。
You had Afghanistan, Mongolia, of course, the People's Republic Of China, which is still technically communist as are Cuba, Vietnam, and Laos, but there's been a huge falling off since then.
那么,你认为共产主义已经消失,还是依然存在?
So do you think communism is is gone, or is it still with us?
我觉得这是一个非常有力量的理念,而你大概不会惊讶于我为什么认为它如此有力量。
Think it's such a potent idea, and it won't surprise you to know why I think it's a potent idea.
我迫不及待想听你说。
I can't wait for this.
我觉得它有着非常深远的根源,也许我们稍后会谈到这一点。
I I think it has very, very deep roots, and maybe we'll we'll come to that.
我认为,共产主义所体现的指导性理想——即全人类都能获得解放,全人类都能共享平等的正义——具有明显的吸引力。
And I think that the the the guiding kind of ideal that it embodies, that that all of humanity can be liberated and that that all of humanity can share in an equal justice, is one that has an obvious appeal.
我想,当我们谈论共产主义时,我们通常指的是马克思著作中所描述的具体形式,以及它在列宁和毛泽东时期的发展,还有你所说的二十世纪意识形态战争中的演变。
And I guess that when we talk about communism, we tend to mean the the specific form that it has has taken in the writings of Marx and then the way that it's evolved with Lenin and with Mao and through the the the ideological war of the twentieth century, as you said.
但我确实绝对认为,你知道,中国,这个可能成为地球上最强大国家的国家,仍然是一个共产主义国家。
But I I do absolutely think that, I mean, it's you know, China, potentially the greatest power on the face of the planet, remains a communist state.
因此,说共产主义已经像尼尼微和推罗一样消亡了,仅仅从政治层面来看,简直是荒谬的。
So it's ridiculous to say that, you know, communism has gone the way of Nineveh and Tyre simply purely on the political level.
但我认为,它在文化层面也持续产生着巨大的影响。
But I think it also has continues to have a huge influence on on the cultural level.
是的。
Yeah.
所以我认为,目前最具影响力的两位共产主义思想家可能是意大利人安东尼奥·葛兰西,他在20世纪30年代提出,文化本质上是实现社会正义的途径。
So I would say that that probably the the the two most influential communist thinkers at the moment would be Antonia Grampski, Italian in the writing in the thirties, who argued that that essentially kind of culture is the way for social justice to be established.
这一观点在人们理解文化运作方式的方方面面都产生了巨大影响。
And that's been hugely influential in all kinds of ways that that that that people understand the operation of culture.
是的
Yeah.
我想说的是弗朗茨·法农,这位伟大的马提尼克法语作家,他从马克思主义的角度阐释了世界政治,特别强调了殖民地社会和全球南方如何反抗他所描述的压迫性帝国统治。
And I'd say Frans Fanon, who the the the great Martinique Francophone writer who has essentially kind of articulated a Marxist understanding of world politics with an emphasis on how colonized societies and the global South can fight back against what he casts as oppressive imperial domination.
我认为这两位思想家都产生了巨大影响,这种影响是巨大的。
And I would say that that both of those thinkers have a have a and that's, you know, colossal influence.
我的意思是,我甚至可以说,某种程度上,如今马克思主义在美国的影响力可能比在中国还要大。
I mean I mean, I'd go so far as to say that actually, in a way, you could say that Marxism is more influential at the moment in The United States than it is in China.
谈谈看。
Discuss.
这很有趣。
That's interesting.
这是一个有趣的论点。
That's an interesting argument.
但它们不都是从我们通常与马克思主义联系在一起的共产主义主干中衍生出来的分支吗?
But they're both offshoots, aren't they, from the sort of the main trunk of communism, which we associate with Marxism.
在那之前,早就有关于共产主义社会的想法。
So there had been ideas about a communist society before.
所以托马斯·莫尔在十六世纪初的著作《乌托邦》中,描绘了一个理想化的后封建社会,人们共同拥有财产;还有英国内战时期的掘地派。
So Thomas More in his book, Utopia, at the beginning of the the turn of the sixteenth century, has this vision of a society where people share property in an idealized sort of post feudal world and the diggers in the English civil war.
但我的意思是,这些也算是某种形式的共产主义。
Well But, I mean, these are communist of a kind.
你可以说它们是前马克思主义的思想。
They're kind of proto Marxist ideas, you could argue.
你能这么说吗?
Can you?
我可以引用我的书吗?
Can I can I make book?
你想引用你的书吗?
Do you wanna bring in your book?
你想谈谈你的观点吗?
Do wanna do you wanna do your thing?
我的意思是,大家都在等这件事。
I mean, everybody's waiting for this.
我不会提到我的书,
I'm not gonna mention my book,
但我会说,共产主义社会的原型是早期的教会。
but I would say that the the arc the the prototype of a communist society is the early church.
我故意为难你,汤姆,其实没什么好理由,因为我觉得你在这个问题上非常有说服力。
I'm owning I'm giving you a hard time, Tom, for no very good reason because I actually find you very convincing on this.
我真的觉得你抓住了关键,所以继续说吧。
I I genuinely think you're onto something, so go for it.
所以我认为,早期教会的描述——《使徒行传》中提到使徒们变卖财产和财物,按各人的需要分给每个人——就是原型。
So I think the prototype is the description of the early church in the Acts of the Apostles, where it says that the apostles selling their possessions and goods gave to to anyone as he had need.
这里明显呼应了马克思那句著名的格言:各尽所能,按需分配。
And there's an obvious echo there of of Marx's famous dictum from each according to his ability to each according to his needs.
这本质上对基督徒提出了一个挑战:这是否是一个可实现的理想?
And essentially, that that posed a kind of challenge to Christians, which is is is this a kind of realizable ideal?
是的。
Yeah.
而且很难过分强调,在罗马世界中,富人和有权势者自认为在道德上优于穷人。
And it's hard to overemphasize, you know, the degree to which in the Roman world, the rich and the powerful assume themselves to be morally superior to those who are poor.
基督教对这一假设构成了深刻的挑战。
And Christianity represents a really profound challenge to that assumption.
到了五世纪,你开始看到一种由基督教教义驱动的阶级斗争观念。
And in the fifth century, you start to get the the notion of a a kind of class war that is motivated by Christian doctrine.
实际上,有一位英国思想家名叫佩拉吉乌斯,他认为人类可以通过自身努力从罪中得救。
And there's a there's a actually British thinker called Pelagius who argues that humans can redeem themselves from sin through their own efforts.
这体现为一种特别激进的佩拉吉乌斯主义思想,即整个历史本质上是富人对穷人的压迫战争。
And this manifests itself in a kind of particularly radical Pelagian thought with the idea that the whole of history is an expression basically of the war of the rich on the poor.
因此,如果消灭了富人,人间就会成为天堂。
And that, therefore, if you get rid of the rich, then you will have paradise on earth.
是的。
Yeah.
这遭到了教会的伟大教父奥古斯丁的强烈反对,他认为人类已经堕落。
And this gets opposed by particularly Augustine, the the the great father of the church, who says that humanity has fallen.
我们不可能在地球上实现天堂。
We can't possibly realize heaven on earth.
因此,所能期望的最好结果就是富人继续施舍给穷人。
And so the best that can be hoped for is that the rich will continue to give to the poor.
我认为本质上,你可以说,在五世纪的罗马帝国,共产主义与社会民主主义已经对立起来。
And I think that in essence, I mean, you could say that there you have communism against social democracy set up in in in the fifth century Roman empire.
这基本上就是卡尔·马克思和卡德伯里家族——那些慈善家之间的对立。
It's basically Karl Marx and and and the Cadbury's family, the sort of philanthropists of Yes.
圣奥古斯丁就是一个巧克力大亨。
Saint Augustine is a is a is a chocolate magnate.
本质上是这样。
Essentially.
奥古斯丁的影响显然是巨大的,他对教会产生了深远影响。
And and Augustine Augustine's influence is obviously he's the huge influence on the church.
佩拉吉乌斯被斥为异端。
Pelagius gets branded a heretic.
因此,在教会的历史进程中,对于任何暗示基督教教义——特别是福音书中‘富人有祸了’、‘末后的将要在前,之前的将要在后’——应当付诸社会实践的说法,都存在着极大的焦虑。
And so over the course of the church, his history, there's an extreme anxiety about any suggestion that Christian teaching, particularly in the gospels, you know, woe to the rich, the the the last should be first, and the first will be last.
基督的这些教导应当被落实到社会实践中。
These sayings of Christ should be should be put into social practice.
但你确实是从根本上开始的,也就是说,宗教改革在其激进的边缘,正是试图将这一点付诸实践。
But you do start by by the I mean, essentially, the reformation at its radical fringes is an attempt to put that into practice.
当然,你也有加尔文主义者认为,如果你富有且成功,这表明上帝在眷顾你,是的。
Although, of course, you have you have Calvinists who think, if you're rich and successful, that shows that God is smiling on you and Yes.
实际上,拥有财富,成为一个富有的商人之类的人,是上帝恩宠的标志。
That that actually being wealth being a wealthy sort of merchant or something is a sign of God's favor.
对吧?
Right?
当然。
Absolutely.
但在最激进的边缘,甚至在宗教改革之前,比如胡斯派叛乱时期,你就看到了一种惊人的共产主义尝试——我认为这是欧洲历史上首次试图建立共产主义社会,地点叫塔博尔,这个名字源自《新约》中的一座山。
But but on the the very, very radical fringes, so be even before the reformation with the Hussite rebellion, you have, this amazing communist I think it's the first attempt to to realize a communist society in European history at a place called Tabor, which is named after a a mountain in in in in in the New Testament.
骑士和乞丐都加入进来,开始挖掘这座巨大的城市,而他们的背景是:上帝即将审判世界,天堂将在地球上建立。
And knights and beggars all join up and start digging this huge great city, and they're doing it against the backdrop that God is going to judge the world and that paradise will be established on the earth.
我的意思是,你可以看到这种试图建立普遍平等的理念,以及新耶路撒冷将在地球上建成的想法。
I mean, and you can see that that idea of trying to to to build a kind of a universal equality and that the new Jerusalem will be built on earth.
你知道,你能感受到这种等待正在发生。
You know, you can see that that that's that's kind of waiting for it.
接着,你在明斯特看到了再洗礼派,他们也试图做同样的事情。
Then you've got about the the Anabaptists in Munster who try to do the same.
在英国革命中还有掘地派,这些人物都对马克思产生了影响。
You've got the the diggers in the the English revolution, and all these figures are influential on Marx.
所以,掘地派现在所处的地方,如今成了一个讽刺性的封闭式社区,对吧?
So the diggers are now in a what's now what's now a a gated community, ironically, isn't it?
韦布里奇那种股票经纪人
Waybridge sort of stockbroker
没错。
That's right.
股票经纪人带。
Stockbroker belt.
是的。
Yes.
让我们快进到十九世纪,看看现在人们所认为的共产主义的兴起。
So let's fast forward a bit to the nineteenth century and the emergence of what people now think of as as communism.
现在我认为,很多所谓的马克思主义者如果听到你这么说会非常不高兴。
And now I would argue that that's and and a lot of sort of Karkan communists get very offended if you and very cross if you say this.
但我认为,它显然是一种政治宗教,几乎不值得争论。
But I would say it's it's so obviously a kind of political religion that it's barely worth arguing about.
我的意思是,它后来甚至有了偶像、旗帜、圣典、先知等等。
I mean, it even later on has icons and banners and sacred texts and and prophets and all the rest of it.
但马克思有趣的地方在于,他并不是出身于典型的基督教家庭,虽然他家是改信基督教的,但他实际上有犹太血统,对吧?
But the interesting thing about Marx is that Marx is not from a I mean, he he's from a converted Christian background, but he's actually Jewish heritage, isn't it?
但你认为马克思主义是基本的吗?我的意思是,你显然这么认为,因为你觉得一切都是基督教的,但你为什么这么说呢?
But do you think Marxism is basic I mean, you obviously, you do because you think everything is Christian, but you're you're kinda why do
你这么认为吗?
you think?
我们已经同意法西斯主义不是宗教。
We we agreed that fascism wasn't.
还有哪些对马克思主义本质上是宗教持怀疑态度的听众呢?
Any remaining skeptical listeners that Marxism is basically religious?
嗯,我认为,你知道,你在节目开头引用的那句名言——一个幽灵在欧洲游荡。
Well, I I think that I you know, the thing the famous phrase that you read out at the the top of the show, a specter is haunting Europe.
旧欧洲的各种势力已经进入圣地,来驱除这个幽灵。
The powers of old Europe have entered into Holy Lands to exercise this specter.
我的意思是,从最基础的层面看,马克思有点像一位哥特式作家。
I mean, on the most basic level, Marx has I mean, he's he's kind of like a gothic writer.
他被吸血鬼和狼人所困扰,《资本论》的语言中处处渗透着这种意象。
He's haunted by vampires and werewolves, and the language of Das Kapital is is kind of shot through with the idea
那种血淋淋的超自然现象、寄生虫之类的东西。
that blood supercurs and parasites and all that sort of stuff.
是的。
Yeah.
对。
Yes.
但我认为,在更广泛的层面上,马克思默认了穷人被富人和权贵压迫是错误的。
But I think on the broader level, Marx takes for granted that the oppression of the poor by the rich and the powerful is wrong.
但他不想说这是一种形而上的立场,因为那样会立刻让他陷入神学维度,进入类似基督教思想的领域。
But he doesn't want to say that this is a metaphysical position because that would immediately kind of lead him wandering into theological dimensions, into the into the dimension of kind of the, you know, Christian thought.
所以他声称这一切完全是科学的。
So he he he claims that it's all entirely scientific.
嗯,那正是关键术语,不是吗?
Well, that's the key word, isn't it?
科学性在于
The scientific nature of
而且是唯物主义的。
And materialist.
是历史主义者。
A historicist.
所以他坐在大英图书馆里,计算着数据,制作了大量图表和表格, supposedly 证明历史本质上是一场阶级斗争,并且财富阶层必然会被推翻,最终将建立一个无阶级的乌托邦。
So he sits in in the British Library number crunching the facts and lots of graphs, lots of tables, supposedly proving the inevitable fact that, you know, that all of history is a class warfare and that it is predestined that the wealthy will be overthrown, that there were a classless paradise will be established.
在我看来,马克思主义声称自己是科学的,这本质上是一种俄狄浦斯式的尝试,试图否认其基督教传统。
And it seems to me that, essentially, the whole pretense of Marxism to be scientific is a kind of Oedipal attempt to deny its Christian heritage, I think.
哇。
Wow.
这是个宏大的观点。
That's a big idea.
这是犹太传统。
It's Jewish heritage.
因为有趣的是,马克思的一位祖先是一位名叫利维的拉比,他是16世纪布拉格著名的拉比,据传说,他创造了哥雷姆——一种可怕的自动机械体,一种前弗兰肯斯坦式的怪物,这在某种程度上,惊人地预示了资产阶级与无产阶级之间的关系。
Because it fascinatingly, one of Marx's ancestors was rabbi Leuve, who was a famous rabbi in in sixteenth century Prague, who, according to legend, fashioned the golem, which was a kind of a kind of monstrous automaton, a kind of proto Frankenstein monster, which is, in a way, a kind of sensational pre prefiguring of the relationship of the bourgeoisie to the proletariat.
所以那里充斥着各种奇怪的东西,我认为所谓它是科学的这种说法,简直是个笑话。
So there's there's all kinds of strange stuff swirling around there, and I I think the idea that it's scientific is is one for the the bursary.
我的意思是,你怎么看?
I mean, what do you think?
我觉得你的说法是科学的。
Your remarks I I think it's scientific.
是的。
Yeah.
我认为它在某种意义上是科学的,因为十九世纪的许多理论和思想都被认为是科学的,因为那是一个痴迷于科学的时代。
I think it's scientific in the sense that so many theories and ideas developed in the nineteenth century were were thought to be scientific because it was an age obsessed with science.
所以那是达尔文主义的时代,也是新技术、铁路等等兴起的时代。
So it's the age of Darwinism, and it's the age of, you know, new technology and the railways and all the rest of it.
因此,任何新理论几乎都不可避免地会使用科学语言来表述。
And so any new theory almost by definition is going to be sort of grounded in in in scientific language and whatnot.
而在这个情况下,科学实际上代表了一种意义——马克思主义者经常说,自己站在历史的正确一边。
And and science in this case, it stands in for I mean, Marxists often talk about being on the right side of history.
所以,这种历史必然进步的观点,被视为一种科学规律。
So this idea of the inevitable progress of history, and it's a scientific law.
我的意思是,在这种模式中,科学某种程度上取代了上帝的位置,不是吗?
I mean, science sort of stands in for for god, doesn't it, in this, I think, in this formula.
因此,伟大的德国二十世纪哲学家瓦尔特·本雅明,将马克思主义的历史唯物主义与另一个自动机——土耳其人进行了比较。
So Walter Benjamin, the great German sort of twentieth century philosopher, he compared Marxism's kind of his historical materialism as they called it.
他将它比作一个所谓的机器人——实际上是个骗局,早在十八世纪初或十九世纪初就被创造出来了。
He compared it with the another automaton, the Turk, which was this sort of supposed robot, that was actually a bit of a con, created before it was sort of created the eighteenth, early, nineteenth century or something.
他说,隐藏在所有机械装置伪装之下的,其实是神学,而这正是马克思主义肮脏的小秘密:它本质上是打着科学旗号的神学。
And he sort of said, you know, what's hiding under the the the pretense of all the machinery is actually theology and is this sort of, you know, that's the that's Marxism's dirty little secret that is basically theology posing as as science.
我一直都是这么认为的。
And I've always sort of thought that.
我的意思是,我记得上大学时,遇到一些人,他们才二十岁,却自诩拥有丰富的人生阅历,就会说:‘哦,我是马克思主义者。’
I mean, I can remember when I was at university meeting people who sort of said, you know, at the age of 20 with all their their years of experience of the world, they would sort of say, oh, well, I'm a Marxist.
我经常问他们:‘你怎么知道的?’
And I'd often say, well, how do you know?
你是怎么决定的?
How have you decided?
在我们这个年纪,基本上什么都不知道,还在大量阅读,你怎么能确定这就是解释世界的蓝图?
How at this sort of age where we basically know nothing and we're still reading lots of stuff, how do you know that this is the blueprint that explains the world?
当然,这是一个愚蠢的问题,因为我以为那是一种政治立场,但其实不是。
And, of course, that was a stupid question because I thought it was a political position, but it wasn't.
那是一种宗教立场。
It was a religious position.
我认为,这更多是宗教身份的延续,当然,这并不总是如此。
Sustainment of religious identity, I think, rather than a a sort of well, I mean, that's obviously not always the case.
确实有一些更持怀疑态度的马克思主义者。
There are there are people who are more skeptical Marxists.
但当人们说自己是马克思主义者时,这并不总是经过深思熟虑的认知立场。
But it's not necessarily always when people say they're a Marxist, it's not often it's not always a sort of cognitively carefully developed position.
很多时候,这是一种继承而来的东西。
Often, it's inherited.
所以我不确定你有没有读过大卫·阿罗诺维奇关于在马克思主义氛围中成长的书。
So I don't know if you've read David Aronovich's book about growing up in a Marxist sort of milieu.
我的意思是,战后英国的马克思主义者,当时马克思主义和共产主义都是极小众的东西。
I mean, Marxists in Britain in the postwar years, where Marxism like communism was a tiny thing.
他们有自己的牙医。
They had their own dentists.
他们有自己的朋友圈。
They had their own circles of friends.
他们有自己的报纸。
They had their own newspaper.
他们拥有自己完整的世界观。
They had their entire own view of the world.
那是一个封闭的体系,类似于宗教邪教。
It was a closed system, not unlike a religious cult.
在很多方面,
And in many ways,
我觉得就是这样。
I think that's what it is.
嗯,葛兰西非常推崇天主教会。
Well, Gramsci was a great admirer of the Catholic church.
有趣的是,尤其是在拉丁美洲,但也包括欧洲的天主教国家,罗马天主教与共产主义之间的斗争常常像兄弟之间的战争,因为它们都是封闭的体系。
And it's interesting that across, particularly, Latin America, but but also in, know, Catholic countries in in, in Europe, really, the kind of the battle between Roman Catholicism and communism is often a kind of and it's a war between siblings, and they're both closed systems.
但一旦你接受了它,一切就都说得通了。
But once you once you buy into it, then everything makes sense.
是的。
Yes.
我认为另一个与基督教明显的相似之处在于,人们如何被贴上异端的标签,以及教条和教义如何必须调整以适应变化的环境。
And I and I think also the other the other obvious parallel with with with Christianity is the way in which people get branded heretics and the way in which dogma and doctrine has to be adapted to to fit changing circumstance.
所以,马克思的哲学显然源于十九世纪中期非常独特的社会背景。
So Marx, know, Marx's philosophy is clearly bred of the very distinctive circumstances of of the mid nineteenth century.
因此,1848年在欧洲大陆爆发的革命,最终导致他流亡英国,在那里他和恩格斯——后者基本上在曼彻斯特经营工厂,周末还去猎狐之类。
So the revolutions that are going on in 1848 in Continental Europe, which end up leading to his exile to Britain, where he and Engels, who is basically kind of running factories in Manchester and going fox hunting on the weekend and things.
所以他能从内部看到工业革命如何影响曼彻斯特这样的城镇和城市,是的。
So he has a kind of eye view of the way in which the industrial revolution is impacting towns like Manchester, cities like Manchester Yes.
并且造成了可怕的苦难。
And and inflicting appalling suffering.
你知道,马克思说,先知都得留胡子。
And, you know, Marx says, you know, prophets have to have beards.
他留着一大把胡子。
He has a big beard.
你看,就是这样。
And there you go.
无需更多证据了。
No further proof needed.
但那之后呢
But then what
而且这也非常有趣。
is But also It's it's fascinating.
我的意思是,我认为马克思和恩格斯两人身上有一件奇怪的事,那就是几乎没有人比马克思更充满敬畏地描写资产阶级的成就。
I mean, I think also that that one of the things that that you get from both Marx and Engels, oddly, is almost no one writes more in with a greater sense of awe about the achievements of the bourgeoisie than Marx.
我的意思是,他描述资产阶级文明的成就——它的不安分、它的全球影响力、它的强大——这种描绘令人震惊,堪称对维多利亚时代英国成就的震撼呈现。
I mean, he, you know, he he he the way in which he describes the achievements of bourgeois civilization, its restlessness, its its kind of global reach, its potency, it's it's a stupefying portrayal of the achievements of Victorian Britain.
而且,如果你仔细看,还有一种奇特的感觉,这不仅仅是恩格斯热衷于猎狐。
And there is also a kind of weird sense in which, if you look at you know, it's not just Engels with his his fox hunting.
马克思本人,你知道的,他不是也去海边度假吗?
Marx is kind of you know, I mean, he's going on seaside holidays, isn't he?
我想他的
Think his
怀特岛。
The Isle Of Wight.
他是狂热的粉丝
He's great fan of
我认为是怀特岛。
the Isle Of Wight, I think.
是的。
Yes.
就是这样,因为他生命的最后两周去了文特诺尔度假,那天下了整整十四天的雨。
That was it because he went to Ventnor, didn't he, for his the last fortnight of his life and last holiday, and it rained every day.
就是这样。
And that's it's
变得非常无聊。
come very puterous.
二十世纪五十年代的家庭度假。
Family holiday in the nineteen fifties.
是的。
Yes.
是的。
Yes.
所以你了解了马克思和恩格斯的具体生活状况。
So you've got the specifics of Marx's circumstances and Engels.
然后,当然,你还得考虑像列宁这样的革命者所处的截然不同的环境。
And then, of course, you've got the very different circumstances of, revolutionaries like Lenin
他们来自一个非常、非常不同的世界。
who come from a very, very different world.
这正是我想转向的话题,因为马克思主义和共产主义最大的讽刺在于,马克思本人正是这么想的。
That's what I wanted to move to because, of course, the great irony with Marxism and with communism is that Marx thought exactly that.
你刚才说的关于他和资产阶级的成就,他欣赏资产阶级成就的一个原因,显然,是被它们所震撼,因为资产阶级的成就中蕴含着自我毁灭的种子。
All you were saying about him and the achievements of the bourgeoisie, he one reason he likes the achievements of the bourgeoisie, obviously, awed by them, is because they have the seeds of their own destruction in them.
所以他认为,资本主义发展得越成熟、越宏伟,它就会崩溃得越快。
So he thinks the more capitalism develops, the more sort of magnificent it is, the more quickly it will crumble.
这就是掘墓人。
It's the gravedigger.
again, that Gothic quality.
Again, that Gothic quality.
这确实是一种非常哥特式的表达,不是吗?
It is a very Gothic, expression, isn't it?
他们是在为自己挖坟墓。
They're sort of digging their own graves.
所以他以为革命会在英国或德国这样的先进工业文明国家发生,你知道的。
So he thinks it's gonna the revolution's gonna happen in somewhere like Britain or Germany, you know, the most advanced industrial civilizations.
但实际上,革命却发生在俄国,而那是他原本认为最可能发动反革命的地方。
And, actually, it happens in Russia, which is the one place that he had thought would be leading the counter revolution.
他一直认为俄国具有巨大的反革命潜力。
He'd sort of seen all this counter revolutionary potential in Russia.
俄国确实有两个工业城市,圣彼得堡和莫斯科,但除此之外,它是一个庞大的农业国家,满是农民。
So Russia does have two industrial cities, Saint Petersburg and Moscow, but otherwise, it's a huge sort of agrarian giant full of peasants.
从很多方面来看,这恰恰是个错误的地方。
It's exactly the wrong place in many words in many ways.
在很多方面,俄国都不适合共产主义生根发芽。
It's the wrong place in many ways for, for communism to to take root.
关键人物是列宁,因为列宁说,实际上,你所需要的不仅仅是历史的进程。
And the key figure here is Lenin because Lenin is the person who says, well, actually, what you need you know, it's not just you don't just need the course of history.
你需要的是一支革命先锋队,一个能够夺取权力、发动政变、强行掌权并推动这一进程的先锋党,不管人们是否喜欢,因为它是在顺应历史潮流。
What you need is a revolutionary vanguard, a vanguard party that will take the levers of power, stage a coup, grab power, and then push this through whether people so basically whether people like it or not because it's acting in the course of history.
而且我认为,从马克思主义付诸实践之初,就必然伴随着暴力和专政,别无他法。
And then and I think right at the beginning of the I mean, right from the outset when Marxism is put into practice, you have basically violence and dictatorship, and you couldn't have it otherwise.
我认为你同时还面临着精英主义的诱惑。
I think also you you you have the offer of elitism.
是的。
So Yeah.
马列主义的精妙之处在于,它本质上为那些极度关注社会正义、渴望全球平等与公正的人提供了吸引力。
The the the genius of Marxist Leninism is that it it it offers you I mean, basically, so the Marxism will appeal to people who who are very concerned with social justice, who who who want equality across the world, who want justice.
列宁所做的,是将这种理想与需要一个控制性精英阶层的观念融合在一起。
What Lenin does is to to fuse that with the sense that you need a a controlling elite.
关于伦敦的共产主义者,我曾经做过一个精彩的广播节目,讲的是白教堂区一家咖喱店楼上那个房间——据我所知,那里曾经举办过共产主义会议。
And on on the theme of of communists in London, I I did a a brilliant radio piece once about this this room above above what's now a curry shop in Whitechapel, where I think for about kind of before we know, there was communist conference going on.
列宁、斯大林、托洛茨基、罗莎·卢森堡、高尔基、季诺维也夫,全都挤在这一间单人小屋里。
You had Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky, Rosa Luxemburg, Gorky, Zinoviev, all kind of staying in this this one bed sit.
我一直觉得这会成为一个超棒的情景喜剧。
I always thought it would make an amazing sitcom.
是的。
Yeah.
对。
Yeah.
情景喜剧。
Sitcom.
太酷了。
Very cool.
拖延。
Stalling.
所以我认为,有趣的是,布尔什维克,我。
And so I think and I think that they would that the the brilliant irony of that is is that that was where the Bolsheviks, I.
呃,多数派的人们就住在那里。
E, the the majoritarians, the the people in the majority were staying.
我认为孟什维克是少数派,他们一定待在更小的房间里。
And I I think the Mensheviks were, you know, the the people in the minority were must have been staying in an even smaller room somewhere.
嗯,我觉得
Well, I think
我的意思是,你提到斯大林很有趣,因为斯大林几乎笼罩着每一次关于共产主义的讨论,毕竟他杀害了数以百万计的人。
I mean, it's interesting you mentioned Stalin because Stalin kinda hangs over every discussion of communism because, you know, Stalin murdered millions upon millions of people.
像斯大林这样的人,让我觉得特别有趣的是,斯大林是个例外吗?马克思主义者现在常常这么声称。
And and the question with someone like Stalin, and what I find so fascinating is is Stalin an aberration, which Marxists will now often claim.
哦,斯大林是个冒牌货。
Oh, Stalin was somehow some impostor.
他是个怪物,不知怎么就掌控了这场实验,结果完全失控了。
He was a monster who'd somehow got his hands on the experiments and it all got out of control.
或者,还有另一种观点,我不知道你有没有读过美国学者史蒂芬·科特金写的那些巨著,他正在系统地研究斯大林的一生。
Or, for example, there's the alternative view, which is I don't know if you read these monstrously big books by Stephen Cotkin, this American scholar who's working his way through Stalin's life.
他说,不是这样的。
And he says, no.
每个人都对斯大林理解错了。
Everyone's got Stalin wrong.
斯大林并不是疯子。
Stalin wasn't a madman.
斯大林甚至未必是个施虐狂,或者我们想象中的那些特质。
Stalin wasn't even necessarily a sadist or, you know, any of these things that we imagine.
他童年并没有受到创伤。
He's not sort of traumatized by his childhood.
他根本不是那些东西。
He's none of those things.
斯大林实际上是一个非常正统的马克思主义者。
Stalin is actually a very good Marxist.
马克思主义者。
Marxist.
他一生都沉浸在马克思主义思想中。
He spent all his life immersed in Marxist ideas.
他写了大量极其枯燥的文章,探讨马克思主义在布尔什维克期刊中的各种方面。
He's written tons of incredibly tedious articles about aspects of Marxism in Bolshevik journals.
事实上,他杀害这么多人的原因是他认为这才是通往天堂的途径,他确实是个正统的马克思主义者。
And, actually, the reason that he kills all these people is because he thinks that's the way to achieve the paradise, that he's actually a good Marxist.
当他做决定时,推动他的始终是这一点,你知道的。
And that's the thing that, you know, when he makes his decisions, that's what always drives him on.
事实上,暴力和杀戮是内在的,因为这是实现美好社会的唯一方式。
And that actually, the violence is inherent and the killing is inherent because that's the only way you're gonna achieve this this good society.
我认为,当你审视斯大林、毛泽东,甚至希特勒时,必须记住,在他们自己的视角下,他们所做的一切都是为了最好的目标。
Well, I I think that that when you look at at Stalin or Mao or indeed Hitler, you have to bear in mind that by their lights, what they're doing, they're they're doing for the best.
是的。
Yeah.
而将数百万人的死亡视为实现某种理想社会的手段,对我们大多数人来说是如此骇人听闻,这需要如此巨大的思维转变,我认为很难做到这一点。
And that you know, there's the idea of killing millions in the in the cause of of bringing about some ideal earthly is is so monstrous to most of us that it it takes such a a gear shift that I think it's difficult to do that.
但我同意。
But I agree.
我认为斯大林主义是从列宁主义中合乎逻辑地发展出来的,而列宁主义本身则是试图将马克思主义理论适应于——正如你所说——革命发生在俄国而非英国或德国这一意外事实的一种逻辑尝试。
I think that Stalinism develops logically out of Leninism, which in turn is a logical attempt to adapt Marxist theory to, as you said, the kind of unexpected fact that the the revolutions happened in Russia and not in Britain or Germany.
但我还觉得,汤姆,从本质上讲,它必须是暴力的,因为共产主义总是带有没收的成分。
But I also think, Tom, that by its nature, it has to be violent because there's always a confiscatory element in in communism.
你知道,总得有人被拉下来,而这些人永远不会说:‘当然可以。’
You know, some people have to be brought down, and those people are never gonna say, sure.
把我的家具都拿走吧。
Have all my furniture.
你明白吗?
You know?
把我的第二套房子也拿走。
Have my second home.
请拿去吧。
Please take it.
你知道,暴力始终是内在的,暴力也体现在语言中。
You know, there's always going to be violence is inherent in it, and violence is in the language.
我的意思是,列宁的语言极其暴力。
I mean, Lenin's language was extraordinarily violent.
列宁当然曾 famously 说过,你知道,我以前喜欢音乐,听一些美妙的歌曲,喜欢毛茸茸的小动物和好看的书之类的东西。
And Lenin, of course, famously said, you know, I used to like music and listening to nice, you know, songs and fluffy animals and and and nice books and stuff.
但现在我不能再那样做了。
But now I now I can't do that.
我必须变得比以往更严厉。
I have to be harder than hard.
那些东西会削弱我,让我在成为独裁者时无法下手,你知道,那时我得杀人。
Those things will weaken me for when I become dictator, you know, when I'll have to kill people.
他说到做到。
And he's as good as his word.
我认为,把列宁所代表的那种温馨的马克思主义,和斯大林时期的集体坟墓式马克思主义割裂开来,这种想法是错误的。
And I think in that to that, the idea of there being a separation between this sort of cuddly Marxism that Lenin supposedly incarnates, and then the sort of, you know, the mass graves Marxism of Stalin, I I think is a false image.
总之,汤姆,我们该休息一下了。
Anyway, we need to take a break, Tom.
抱歉。
Sorry.
我们休息一下吧。
Let's take a break.
听众们非常渴望去推翻社会现状并实现农业集体化。
The the listeners are very keen to go and overthrow social conditions and collectivize agriculture.
所以我觉得我们应该让他们去干,我们喝杯茶。
So I think we should let them do it, and we'll have a cup of tea.
然后你可以在休息后说你原本想说的话。
And then you can say what you wanted to say after the break.
怎么样?
How about that?
他们不会去听广告吗?
Are they not gonna they're gonna go and listen to adverts, aren't they?
嗯,马克思肯定会赞成的。
Well, Marx would approve, I'm sure.
好的。
Alright.
等你们尽情享受完一些资本主义冲动后,我们再见。
We'll see you after you've you've indulged some capitalist impulses.
一会儿见。
See in a minute.
欢迎回到《历史其余部分》。
Welcome back to The Rest is History.
周四,我们将推出与今天关于共产主义讨论自然配套的节目。
On Thursday, we're offering that natural companion piece to today's discussion on communism.
我们将与历史学家特蕾西·博曼讨论伊丽莎白一世。
We're talking Elizabeth the first with the historian Tracy Borman.
这里提前给你们的日程一个提醒。
And here's an early warning for your diaries.
在4月21日星期三晚上,我们将做一件非常激动人心的事。
On the evening of Wednesday, April 21, we are going to do something very exciting.
我们将首次在线直播播客节目,主题将是暗杀事件。
We're gonna do our first live episode of the podcast live on the Internet, and it's gonna be all about assassinations.
亚伯拉罕·林肯,约翰·F。
Abraham Lincoln, John F.
肯尼迪,英迪拉·甘地。
Kennedy, Indira Gandhi.
汤姆知道我们在谈论尤利乌斯·凯撒。
Tom will know that we're talking about Julius Caesar.
我们不会提前剧透的,汤姆。
We'll be not to anticipate, Tom.
不会。
No.
是的。
Yeah.
卡利古拉。
Caligula.
当然。
Of course.
非常好。
Very good.
有很多罗马人。
Loads of Romans.
是的。
Yeah.
所以那周我们会在推特上发布一个链接。
So we'll post a link on Twitter that week.
欢迎所有人参与节目,我们会现场回答问题。
Everybody is welcome so you can join the show, and we'll be answering the questions live.
到时候你们可以尽情吐槽我们,我们无处可躲。
You can throw your abuse at us then, and there's nowhere for us to hide.
这会对每个人来说都特别有趣。
It will be a lot of fun for everybody.
现在,汤姆,我刚才打断了你,你说过一些关于共产主义极其有趣的观点。
Now, Tom, I cut you off, and you wanted to say something unbelievably interesting about communism.
嗯,是的。
Well, I yeah.
极其有趣。
Unbelievably interesting.
但我打算把它和我们收到的众多问题中的第一个结合起来,这是来自邓肯·希巴德的问题:共产主义本质上是极权主义的吗?
But I'm gonna combine it with, the first of the many, many questions we've had, and this is from Duncan Hibbard, where he says, is communism inherently totalitarian?
我在思考列宁和斯大林。
I'm wondering about Lenin and Stalin.
斯大林主义难道不是本质上以经济为基础的吗?
Isn't isn't Stalinism essentially economically based?
所以它主要是试图重新配置经济。
So it it's about trying to to to reconfigure the economy.
嗯。
Mhmm.
一旦你这么做了,从某种意义上说,你就不得不掌控每一个可能的杠杆。
And once you do that, then inevitably, in a sense, you have to kind of seize control of every possible lever.
政府不控制的领域就再也没有任何空间了。
There is no space left for anyone to do anything that the government isn't controlling.
也许还存在其他形式的共产主义,比如格兰姆斯基的版本,它更强调对文化的控制而非对经济的控制。
And that there might be, I don't know, other I mean I mean, Grampsky would be maybe an alternative form of of communism that puts an emphasis on control of of culture rather than of the economy.
好的。
Okay.
所以我认为共产主义本质上是极权的,因为它不是多元主义的。
So I would say it probably is inherently totalitarian because it's not pluralist.
你知道,如果你是共产主义者,你就不会容忍,或者说,你根本无法容忍任何挑战。
You know, if you're a communist, you don't tolerate you know, you can't really tolerate challenges.
我认为,当然,列宁的民主集中制理念是,一旦政党达成一致,所有人都必须服从。
I think and and, of course, Lenin's idea of kind of democratic centralism is that basically when the parties agreed, everybody must agree.
你不能有,你知道,马克思和列宁都憎恨异议或分歧。
And you can't have you can't you know, Marx and Lenin hated dissent or disagreement.
我的意思是,他们花了大量时间试图镇压自己小圈子内任何形式的分歧。
I mean, they spent an enormous amounts of time trying to crush any sort of disagreement among their own kind of little group of skills.
所以我认为,这确实具有内在的极权主义倾向。
So I I think it probably does have an inherently totalitarian, bent.
而且我认为,汤姆,回到你刚才说的,斯大林认为俄罗斯需要迅速实现工业化,因为他完全接受了马克思主义关于历史进程的观点——即先成为工业国,然后才能成为共产主义国家。
And I think, Tom, going back to what you're saying, Stalin Stalin thought that Russia needed rapidly to industrialize because he'd completely imbibed the kind of Marxist idea about the course of history that you'd become an industrial country and then you'd become, you know, a communist one.
于是他推动了这一进程,要求全面控制,尤其是农业集体化。
So he pushes that through, you know, and he demands total control of and particularly and it's mainly the collect collectivization of agriculture.
我的意思是,这正是二十世纪三十年代初导致大量人死亡的原因。
I mean, that's what kills a lot of people at the turn of the nineteen thirties.
因为他没有其他收入来源。
He Because there's no other source for of revenue.
是的。
Yeah.
因为他需要,他确实需要。
Because he needs to he needs to yeah.
没错。
Exactly.
他希望迅速地实现工业化。
He he wants to rapidly, rapidly industrialize.
工业化。
Industrialize.
他想把粮食卖到国外。
He He wants wants to to sell sell grain grain abroad.
国外。
Abroad.
他想让人们进入工厂。
He wants to get people into the factories.
他想消除。
He wants to cut out.
他憎恨农民拥有私人财产的想法。
He hates the idea of, you know, private ownership among the peasants.
你知道,那些富农,他们自己建立了小小的土地 holdings。
You know, the kulaks who have built up their own little small holdings.
他确实想镇压他们,但这并不是因为——我的意思是,他最新的传记作者会说,他并不是一个疯狂的怪物、一个流着口水的恶魔,而是因为他是个马克思主义者,他认为这才是实现美好社会的正确做法。
He does he wants to crush them not because he's a I mean, his latest biographer would say, not because he's a a mad monster, this sort of slavering demon, but because he's a Marxist, because he thinks that's what you do to get the good society.
但他是一个背离了马克思一个相当基本主张的马克思主义者,那就是这种理念应该是普遍的。
But he's a Marxist who has turned his back on a fairly fundamental proposition of Marx that this is something universal.
我的意思是,他推动的是‘一国社会主义’的理念。
I mean, he's pushing the idea of socialism in one country.
他是这么做的。
He is.
你说得对。
You're right.
是的。
Yes.
因此,我的意思是,一旦他做出了这个决定,一旦他绑定了这个想法,很多其他事情就随之而来,因为……
And so that I mean, it's it's it's that basically that that, I guess, once he's made that decision, once he's he's hitched his start of that idea, an awful lot then follows from that because Yeah.
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立即,其他国家的人被当作敌人,焦点必须转向某种共产主义民族主义。
Immediately, people in other countries are are are cast as enemies, and immediately, the focus has to be on a a kind of, I suppose, a kind of communist nationalism.
你在节目开头列出的共产主义国家名单里,并没有包括朝鲜。
The list of countries that you at the beginning of the the program where you listed as communist didn't include North Korea.
我想,这可以说是一种君主制,对吧?
And I I guess that, you know, it's a it's a kind of monarchy, isn't it?
它有一个已故领袖,类似于天主教的某种传统。
With a with a dead rather like so Catholic.
是的。
Yes.
一具尸体凌驾其上,展现了共产主义如何以奇特的方式演变。
A kind of dead body presiding over it, shows the the kind of weird ways in which communism can evolve.
但很多最可怕的罪行,都是共产主义与民族主义融合的结果。
But, I mean, it's it's a lot of the a lot of the kind of the most monstrous crimes are where communism fuses with nationalism.
比如在乌克兰,斯大林制造的那场饥荒。
So in Ukraine, for example, Stalin, the famine that Stalin causes there.
我的意思是,如果这件事发生在俄罗斯,更靠近莫斯科的地方,你说得对。
I mean, obviously, if that had been in Russia in in closer to if it had been just outside Moscow, you're right.
我想是的。
I think there would have yeah.
可能会有不同的反应。
There might have been a different kind of reaction to it.
我的制片人一直在责备我。
I mean, to our producer was hectoring me.
责备可能有点过重,但他确实给我施加了很大压力。
Hectoring is probably a bit harsh, but he was giving me a hard time.
他说,如果斯大林只是一个纯粹的马克思主义者,那该怎么解释他在1953年去世后遭到的强烈反弹呢?
He says, you know, if Stalin is is is is just a good Marxist, why does that how does that explain, the backlash against Stalin after his death in 1953?
你知道,赫鲁晓夫发表了秘密讲话,谴责斯大林的罪行,之后苏联出现了一点缓和。
You know, Khrushchev makes the secret speech in which he denounces Stalin's crimes, and and then there's a sort of slight thawing in the Soviet Union.
我的意思是,毫无疑问,斯大林变得极其专制,权力确实腐蚀了他。
I mean, I think there's no doubt that Stalin became incredibly despotic, and that, you know, power corrupted as as it were.
但我认为,你知道,那些人中有很多——也就是说,一个有趣的问题是,二十世纪五十年代之后苏联的领导人究竟有多少是真正的马克思主义者?在某些方面,他们其实相当保守。
But I I think, you know, a lot of those people who are I mean, there's an interesting question about how Marxists are the leaders of the Soviet Union after the nineteen fifties or how much are they I mean, in some ways, they're quite conservative.
你知道,他们不再致力于创造新耶路撒冷。
You know, they're no longer pushing sort of to create the new Jerusalem.
他们变得防御性了。
They're defensive.
他们所做的是维护我们已有的东西,我认为。
They're simp they what we have, we hold, I think.
而且我认为他们确实是出于防御。
And I think they're defense yes.
他们之所以防御,是因为政党所扮演的角色——它变成了一种精英集团。
And they're defensive because because of the the role played by the party, which becomes a kind of elite.
如果你身处党内,你就掌握权力。
And then if, you're in, know, if you're in the party, you hold power.
而一旦你掌握了权力,你就想牢牢抓住它。
And if you hold power, then you wanna keep hold of it.
是的。
Yeah.
所以我认为,奇怪的是,这些人在红场上,每年五月都站在列宁墓上的阳台上——如果我们回到圣库思伯特的类比的话。
So I think these it's the weird thing is, you know, these are people who in Red Square, you know, every May, they stand there on the on on the the balcony, which is on Lenin's on Lenin's tomb to go back to our Saint Cuthbert analogy.
他们站在列宁那具木乃伊般的遗体上方,而下面的人们正举着卡尔·马克思的伟大肖像列队走过。
They're standing above them sort of mummified body of Lenin, and all these people are parading past with pictures of great icons of Karl Marx.
但马克思如果看到这些人,很可能认不出他们是自己的同志,因为他始终是个局外人、激进派、挑战传统的记者,而他们却是传统最彻底的捍卫者。
But Marx, if he saw those men, probably wouldn't recognize them as as, you know, his comrades because they're he's always been an outsider, a radical, a journalist tilting against convention, whereas they are the ultimate defenders of convention.
你知道,勃列日涅夫和那些穿着灰色西装、长相相似的老年官僚们。
You know, Brezhnev and all these sort of identicate gerontocrats in their sort of gray suits.
我的意思是,这些人马克思大概不会喜欢与之为伍。
I mean, these aren't people that that Marx would sort of I don't think he'd enjoy their company.
你也可以这么说中国,那里是带有中国特色的马克思主义和列宁主义,对吧?
And I guess you can say the same about China, where it's Marxism, Leninism with Chinese characteristics, isn't it?
是的。
Yeah.
所以在中国,同样地,现在的问题是,你知道,什么情况?
So in China, again, that that question of of of now, what do you know?
它还是一个共产主义国家吗?
Is it a communist state?
我的意思是,从形式上看,确实是。
Mean, clearly, formally, is.
中国的共产党人,你知道,他们真的信奉共产主义吗?
Do do the Chinese part do you know the communist party in China?
他们算共产主义者吗?
Do they are they communist?
他们真的相信这套理论吗?
Do they believe it?
我不认为他们是。
I I don't think they are.
我的意思是,就像你可能也会说,这其实是个挺有意思的问题,不是吗,汤姆?
I mean, I think, you know, in the same way that you could possibly well, it's an interesting one, isn't it, Tom?
我的意思是,那时候的人都是基督徒吗?
I mean, were were people Christians?
你知道,这些中世纪的君主们都是吗?
You know, were all these medieval monarchs?
他们相信自己是基督徒,我想是这样的。
They believed that they believed they were Christians, I suppose.
但你知道,当他们读到关于转过另一边脸受打之类的内容时,真的能做到吗?
But, you know, did they when they read read about turning the other cheek and all that sort of stuff?
这更难了。
It's harder
他们中的一些人做到了。
them Some
他们中有些人确实做到了。
of them did.
还有关于穿过针眼之类的事情。
Passing through the eye of the needle and and all that sort of stuff.
有的。
Do.
我认为这可能是同样的情况,比如苏联或中国那些好领袖,他们或许自认为相信这些理念,但并未真正践行,这或许是一个关键区别。
I this is the I think it's probably the same thing, isn't it, with the with the com the good leaders of the Soviet Union or indeed of the China that they they sort of they think they believe it, but they don't live it, maybe is a distinction.
我不知道。
I don't know.
我们该转向下一个问题了。
We should move on to another question.
我们该转向贝娅特丽丝·鼠了。
We should move on to Beatrice Mouse.
贝娅特丽丝·鼠说,对于那些声称它从未被真正尝试过的人,难道它的失败不是早已注定的吗?
There's that Beatrice Mouse says, for those who say it hasn't been tried properly, isn't its failure baked in?
所谓的‘真正尝试’最终只会导致经济崩溃和专制。
Properly ends up with economic failure and tyranny.
我的意思是,这正是成千上万场社交媒体争论的素材。
I mean, this is the stuff of a thousand social media arguments.
它是否被真正尝试过?
Has it been tried properly or not?
汤姆,你认为它被真正尝试过吗?
Do you think, Tom, it's been tried properly?
你认为它得到了公平的机会吗?
Do you think it's been given a fair crack of the whip?
我认为,回到马克思的核心观点,关键是正义,是解放人们以实现他们的潜能。
Well, I think I think, to to go back to the the key perspective of Marx, it's about justice, and it's about liberating people to fulfill their potential.
如果你从这些角度去理解,而不是从那些所谓的铁律——认为它必然实现,以及围绕它建立的整个意识形态体系——我认为这一理想依然保有其强大的力量。
And if you think of it in those terms rather than in the the supposed ironclad economic laws that will make it happen and the whole kind of ideological apparatus that has been built up around it, I think that that that ideal absolutely preserves its its its power.
回到我节目开始时说的话,我认为,如今西方社会中许多令人不安的现象,明显源于这种结构。
And to go back what I was saying at the beginning of the program, I think that, you know, a lot of of a lot of what what is is agitating, people in the West at the moment is kind of recognizably bred of that matrix,
我觉得是这样。
I think.
所以,你这是在稍微回避问题。
So you so you you so that's a slightly evasive answer.
你还没有说你认为它是否被真正尝试过。
You haven't said whether you think it has or hasn't been tried properly.
我认为这个假设是
I think the assumption
因为我们曾经有过共产主义国家
is because we've had communist states
我们
We
就不会认为存在所谓的共产主义。
won't think that there is such a thing as as communism.
是的。
Yeah.
但我想,如果你再想想,或许把它看作像基督教那样的持续生活方式、一种理念、一种试图用某些理想来塑造生活的尝试。
But I think that if you think of it, again, perhaps again a bit more like a like Christianity or something like that as an ongoing way of living an approach, an ideal, an attempt to to shape your life by certain ideals.
是的。
Yeah.
那么我认为,我的意思是,我知道马克思当然谈到最终会存在一个阶级社会。
Then I think that the idea of I mean, I and I know that that, of course, Marx is is talking about the the fact that there will ultimately be a class society.
所以这一点已经内嵌在他的观点中。
So that is baked into his perspective.
但我觉得,他在著作中几乎没怎么提到这一点,这非常能说明问题。
But it's very telling, I think, that in his writings, he barely talks about it.
甚至列宁,你知道,他痴迷于无产阶级专政,认为需要无产阶级专政来 usher in 最终的无阶级社会。
And and even Lenin I mean, he you know, he's obsessed with the dictatorship of the proletariat, and you need the dictatorship of the proletariat to usher in what will ultimately be the the classless state.
但它就是从未实现。
It's just that it never arrives.
所以我想,某种程度上,就像新耶路撒冷永远不会建成,无阶级社会也永远不会到来。
So I guess to the degree the the the degree that, you know, the new Jerusalem will never be built on a the the the classless society will never arrive.
是的。
Yeah.
失败是不可避免的,因为它永远不会发生,因为这本质上是一种神学神话。
Failure is is inevitable because it's not gonna happen because it's it's you know, this is a theological myth.
是的。
Yeah.
但是但是
But but
我认为,作为一种生活方式,共产主义显然为全球各地的人们提供了意义,并持续激荡着英国社会、美国社会和欧洲社会当前的运作方式。
I think that that as a way of governing your life, clearly, it it it it provides meaning for for people across the the face of the of the planet, and it continues to convulse and agitate the way that, you know, certainly British society, American society, European society is is is operating at the moment.
我认为,如果你把共产主义看作一种生活方式,而不是一个必然的终点,那这就是我的观点。
I think I think that if you think of communism as a a as a way of living rather than an inevitable endpoint, I I don't think I think that that's would be my take.
汤姆,我想说的是,即使你把它看作一种生活方式,但看看所有自称共产主义的政权——它们可不少。
See, what I would say, Tom, is if even if you think of it as a way of living, if you look at all the regimes that have that proclaim themselves communist, and there were quite a lot.
我的意思是,我们谈论的是数十个之多。
I mean, there are know, we're we're talking about, you know, dozens.
有很多例子表明,他们曾在学校里教授《资本论》,挂满标语,张贴马克思的画像,设立专门研究这一理论的学院,他们真的相信自己在践行它。
It's there are lots of examples of people where they've, you know, they've taught capital, das capital in in schools where they've had all the banners, where they've had the pictures of Marx, where, you know, academies have been devoted to this stuff, where they where they really thought they were following it.
但在每一个案例中,都出现了压迫和暴力。
And and in every one, there's been, you know, repression, violence.
是的。
Yeah.
我的意思是,到了某个时候,你可能会想,这或许不是巧合。
I mean, that that there's a point at which you sort of say, well, maybe this isn't a coincidence.
也许这种问题从一开始就深植于这个计划之中。
Maybe this is kind of baked into the to the to the to the project from the very from the very outset.
我认为这是因为它的反多元主义本质。
I think because of its anti pluralist nature.
因为如果你声称自己垄断了真理,并且宣称自己在执行历史的意志——所有这些政权,尤其是1945年以后的政权,都是这么做的——那么任何挑战都会被视为不合法,你迟早会陷入麻烦。
Because if you claim to have a monopoly on truth, and if you claim we are carrying out the will of history as all these regimes did, particularly, you know, from 1945 onwards, then you're always gonna get into trouble because any form of challenge is illegitimate.
是的。
Yeah.
我认为,即使在实际行不通的情况下,仍坚信存在必须严格遵循的铁律,这种观念是问题的核心。
And I think I think the the idea that there are ironclad economic rules that have to be followed even when they don't actually work Yeah.
这正是问题的关键所在。
Is a is a huge part of the problem.
但在最广泛的层面上,我认为在地上建造耶路撒冷是不可能的。
But on the broadest level, I think it is impossible to build Jerusalem on Earth.
我认为奥古斯丁是对的。
I think Augustine is right.
我认为,不管你怎么说,我们都是堕落的。
I think that, you know, we are fallen, however you want to put it.
人类无法那样生活。
Humans are not capable of living like that.
确实如此,这对共产主义者来说也是真的。
And it's true, you know, it's true of communists.
对基督徒来说也是如此。
It's true of Christians.
对穆斯林来说也是如此。
It's true of Muslims.
无论你在哪里试图建立一个理想国家,却不承认人类就是人类这一事实,事情都会出错,最终只会导致灾难。
Wherever you try and build at the ideal state without acknowledging the fact that humans are humans, the things are gonna go wrong, you you end up with disaster.
你有没有看过或读过关于叶利钦去美国的这些内容?
Have you ever seen this stuff or read this stuff about Boris Yeltsin going to America?
所以叶利钦,我想知道他到底是什么身份?
So Boris Yeltsin, I think, is the what is he then?
他是个大人物,我认为,他刚被赶出政治局,但他在俄罗斯议会中仍然很有影响力,或者他是莫斯科党魁之类的人物。
Is he the he's a he's a big figure, I think, in in he's just been kicked out of the Poliviera, but he's still big in the Russian parliament or or he's a big in Moscow party boss or something.
他是市长吗?
Is he mayor to mayor.
莫斯科市长。
Mayor of Moscow.
没错。
Exactly.
我认为他就是莫斯科市长。
Mayor of Moscow, think he is.
他去休斯顿附近的NASA访问。
He goes off to visit NASA near Houston.
在路上,他说他想真正看看美国的本来面目,而不是被随从们安排好的样子。
And on the way, he he says, I'd like to I actually wanna see what America is really like away from all the handlers.
他们带他去了一个叫克莱尔莱克的地方,他走进了一家叫兰德尔斯的超市。
And they take he stops in a place called Clear Lake, and he goes to a supermarket called Randalls.
有照片显示他在超市里仔细查看冷冻柜和其他商品。
And there's pictures of him in this supermarket inspecting the freezer covers and stuff.
这不过是一家普普通通的小超市。
And it's just a kind of piddling little supermarket.
他脸色苍白。
And he's he's ashen faced.
他感到震惊。
He is horrified.
事后他上了车,他的助手们说,他整整四十分钟没说一句话,情绪非常低落。
And he gets in his car afterwards, and all the people his aides said, you know, he didn't speak for kind of forty minutes or something, and he was so distressed.
他说:‘我们对俄罗斯人民辜负得太深了。’
And he said, how we have failed, you know, the Russian people.
美国人这样生活,简直令人憎恶。
It's just abominable that Americans are living like this.
你知道,俄罗斯的超市里可能连条死狗都没有,就这些了。
And, you know, the supermarkets in Russia have kind of a dead dog in them or something, and and that's it.
他简直难以置信,甚至连精英阶层都活在一个完全虚幻的世界里。
And and he's he's just and it's astounding the extent to which even the kind of elite were kind of living in a in a complete fantasy world.
当叶利钦意识到资本主义的真实面貌时,那种景象带来的冲击令人震惊。
And the the spectacle of what capitalism was actually really like was just this dreadful shock when they when Yeltsin realized.
是里根主义的宣传让戈尔巴乔夫在去加州、乘直升机飞越洛杉矶、俯瞰所有游泳池时,意识到游戏结束了吗?
Is it Reaganite propaganda that Gorbachev basically realized the game was up when he went
我不确定。
to California and flew in a helicopter over LA and looked down at all the swimming pools or something?
这不错。
I don't know.
很好。
That's good.
所以我认为,戈尔巴乔夫的关键助手之一是一位名叫亚历山大·雅科夫列夫的人。
So I think certainly one of one of Gorbachev's key aides was a man called Alexander Yakovlev.
他去过加拿大,并与特鲁多成了朋友。
He went to Canada, and he became friends with Trudeau.
他对在加拿大看到的一切感到震惊。
And he was devastated by what he saw in Canada.
你知道,看到普通人是如何生活的,简直令人震撼,因为人们一直被灌输只有精英才过这样的生活。
You know, it was just like a to see how ordinary people lived was because because people were told that the only the elite live like this.
在俄罗斯,人们相信西方精英在撒谎,认为所有人都实际上被压迫、生活悲惨。
That, you know, in Russia, you believed that the kind of western elite was selling a lie and that everybody was actually really downtrodden and miserable.
而当他们到达那里时,我认为对很多人来说都是如此,奥列格·戈尔迪耶夫斯基也是如此,我们之前和本·麦金泰尔聊过的那位叛逃者。
And to get there, I think for a lot and the same with Oleg Gordievsky, actually, who we talked about with Ben McIntyre, the defector.
他也曾在哥本哈根待过。
He too, you know, he was in Copenhagen.
他站在那里,心想,我们才是最糟糕的。
And, he was, you know, standing there thinking, we are the baddest.
你知道吗?
You know?
它被处理好了。
It was made Okay.
好的。
Okay.
但我认为,自从柏林墙倒塌和苏联共产主义崩溃以来,这种情况已经发生了变化。
But I think you see, I think that's been reconfigured since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism in in the Soviet Union.
因为这种财富的景象,正是让马克思感到震惊的地方。
Because that that spectacle of wealth, of course, was precisely what shocked Marx.
在《资本论》中,抛开所有的图表和数据,你感受到的是一种炽烈的愤怒——对资产阶级的繁荣建立在儿童挨饿、人们被赶出家园之上的愤怒。
And what you've what you get in in Capitale, away from all the graphs and the figures, is this sense of kind of molten anger at the way in which, the prosperity of the bourgeoisie depends upon, you know, children starving and people being evicted from their homes.
更具体地说,是遥远的殖民地人民被压榨至死,只为让资产阶级能在茶里加糖。
And and I think more particularly, people in distant colonies, you know, being worked to death so that the bourgeoisie can have have sugar with their tea.
我认为,如今,西方财富的这种景象,对许多人来说,仍然发挥着类似的作用。
And I think that, actually, today, the spectacle of of Western wealth operates for many people in a similar way.
我认为这在理解全球关系的模式中是一个巨大的动态因素。
And I think that that that's a huge dynamic in the the kind of understanding of of global relations.
西方财富建立在系统性剥削之上的观点。
The idea that that Western wealth has been built on systematic exploitation.
因此,列宁认为帝国主义是资产阶级文明的最后、也是最彻底的表现形式。
And so Lenin's idea that imperialism is kind of the last, you know, the ultimate manifestation of bourgeois civilization.
我认为这一观点在当代文化中仍然有着深远的影响。
I think that that still has a a an afterlife in contemporary culture.
这确实如此,而且非常流行。
It definitely does, and it's very popular.
但如果你持这种观点,问题在于:你该如何解释非洲和亚洲等地预期寿命和生活水平的大幅提高呢?
The problem though that you have if you're gonna take that line, think, is how do you explain then, you know, the massive rise in life expectancy and living standards in places like in in Africa and in Asia.
尤其是亚洲。
So these are Well, particularly Asia.
但非洲也是如此。
But also in Africa too.
我的意思是,预期寿命的提升,比如说,过去从来没有任何时候有这么多人口,当然,因为现在穷人比以往任何时候都多。
Mean, the rise in the rise in life expectancy, for example, you know, these are peep never have so you know, in in many way, of course, because there are more people, are more poor people than ever.
但相对而言,人类现在活得更长了。
But but relatively speaking, the human race now lives longer.
我们活得更久,生活更舒适、更富裕,远离了早逝或疾病的恐惧,这是以往任何一代人都无法相比的。
We live longer, much more comfortable, much more prosperous lives insulated from the fear of early death or disease than any generation before us.
我的意思是,这一切当然带来了巨大的环境代价,这是我们都知道的。
I mean, that's come at punishing environmental costs as we all know.
但问题在于,剥削穷人这个论点。
But the the problem is the the the exploitation of the poor argument.
我的意思是,并非所有事情都建立在血汗工厂之上。
I mean, not everything is based on sweatshops.
总之,我们需要提一些问题,汤姆。
Anyway, we need to do some questions, Tom.
好的。
Yes.
所以,如果还有听众在的话,他们可能会感到愤怒。
So if there are any still left listeners still left, we need they could probably outraged.
继续。
Go on.
问个问题。
Ask a question.
这是来自切特·阿奇博尔德的问题,他总是能提出很好的问题。
Here's one from Chet Archbold who always comes up with good questions.
欧洲某种共产主义意识形态的发展是不可避免的吗?
Was the development of some sort of communist ideology inevitable in Europe?
在马克思之前就有一些类似共产主义的运动,但如果马克思没有出生,会不会出现某种与马克思主义非常相似的思想?
There were some communist like movements before Marx, but if Marx had not lived, would something quite like Marxism have emerged?
这很棒,不是吗?
And that's great, isn't it?
因为很多马克思主义者认为某些事情是必然的,而像马克思这样的人只是附带现象。
Because an awful lot of Marxists that certain things are inevitable and that, you know, someone like Marx is just epiphenomenal.
他只不过是汹涌海洋上的一层泡沫。
He's just a bubble of froth on a heaving ocean.
这有点像我们以前讨论过的问题。
This is a bit like the question I think we've debated before.
如果约翰和保罗从未相遇,披头士还会存在吗?
Would the Beatles have, you know, if John and Paul had never met, would there still have been the Beatles?
马克思主义依然会出现。
There would still have been Marxism.
是的。
Yeah.
显然。
Clearly.
因为马克思只是在圣西门、傅立叶、罗伯特·欧文以及众多蒲鲁东的基础上进行构建。
Because Marx was merely Marx was building on Saint Simons and Fourier and Robert Owen, and there were loads of Proudhon.
这种类型的思想。
Of this kind.
是的。
Yeah.
普鲁东,正是如此。
Proudhon exactly.
所以当时还有其他联合运动,还有其他人本可能比马克思更加突出。
So there was back union, and there were other people who who could have been sort of maybe would have loomed larger than than Marx said.
我的意思是,马克思在很多方面都是个天才。
I mean, Marx was in many ways a genius.
这一点毫无疑问,他拥有非凡的智力,这正是他成为如此重要人物的原因。
I don't think there can be any doubt to that, you know, a man of enormous intellectual capability, which is why, you know, which is why he became such a big figure.
他还是个出色的自我宣传者和宣传家。
And he's a great self promoter and a great propagandist as well.
《共产党宣言》是一本非常精彩的读物。
And the communist manifesto is a great read.
但你难道不觉得,总会存在某种形式的吗
But there would have been don't you think there would have been some form of
是的。
Yeah.
我同意。
I do.
我认为,不过,我不想听起来像在重复查理国王的头衔,我觉得对宗教的敌意本可以少一些,因为许多共产主义思想家都非常热衷于马克思所不屑的那种朦胧、飘渺的天堂式东西。
I think I think, however, I I and again, not to sound like going like King Charles' head, I I think that the hostility to religion might have been less, because there were many communist thinkers who were very keen on all that kind of cloudy, fluffy, heavenly stuff as Marx's like to dismiss it.
所以我认为,这可能是马克思为这场讨论带来的关键观点。
So I think I think that's maybe the key thing that Mark's brought to the party.
制作人急着想让我们回答里克·亨特的问题。
The producer is gagging for us to do Rick Hunter's question.
我不知道为什么我会这样。
I'd I'd god knows why.
但也许他就是里克·亨特,或者里克·亨特手里握着他的把柄。
But, I mean, maybe he is Rick Hunter, or maybe Rick Hunter has something on has something on him.
所以里克·亨特,别介意,里克。
So Rick Hunter no offense, Rick.
里克·亨特说,这跟孟什维克有关。
Rick Hunter says, if the Mensheviks it's about the Mensheviks.
如果由孟什维克而不是布尔什维克发动俄国革命,事情会如何发展?
If the Mensheviks had launched the Russian revolution instead of the Bolsheviks, how would things have played out?
这曾经是可能的吗?
Was that ever a real possibility?
我会说不可能。
I would say no.
这可能根本不是现实的。
It probably wasn't a real.
那将会是一场完全不同的革命。
Well, it would have been a completely different revolution.
汤姆,你怎么看?
Tom, what do you think?
我认为,布尔什维克和孟什维克之间的区别,本质上在于你愿意有多残酷,不是吗?
Well, I think that, I mean, the the the difference between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks is essentially how brutally you're willing to be, isn't it?
是的。
Yeah.
我的意思是,这基本上是温和派与激进派之间的区别,某种程度上。
I mean It's basically how moderate, you know, moderates versus radicals to some extent.
所以我认为是的。
So I think I think yes.
所以我认为,一群所谓的中间派父亲们会
So I think that that a bunch of kind of, you know, centrist dads, we're
永远不会
never gonna
那确实是个大大的‘是’。
That's a big yeah.
我不认为布尔什维克会发动俄国革命。
I don't think the Bolsheviks kick off the Russian revolution.
我的意思是,布尔什维克和俄国革命
I mean, the Bolsheviks the Russian revolution
你说了残暴。
brutality, you said.
你说暴力是根深蒂固的。
You said the violence is baked in.
然而,讽刺的是,矛盾之处在于,布尔什维克之所以成功,是因为他们提供的唯一东西是和平。
And yet the irony, right, the the ambiguity is the the Bolsheviks succeed because the one thing they offer is peace.
在1917年,其他所有人几乎都主张俄国继续参加第一次世界大战。
Everybody else pretty much is arguing for Russia to carry on in the first World War in the 1917.
而布尔什维克之所以取得进展,尤其是在军队中,是因为他们是唯一说‘不’的人。
And the Bolsheviks make progress, particularly among the army, because they're the ones who are saying, no.
我们会与德国媾和。
We'll have peace with Germany.
我们会立即停止战斗。
We'll stop fighting straight away.
而他们所有的对手都在犹豫不决,说我们仍然忠于盟友。
And all their rivals are sort of chilly shallying and saying, well, we're still committed to the allies.
所以布尔什维克通过承诺和平而获胜,但他们也准备好采取更极端的手段。
So the Bolsheviks win by saying peace, but also they're prepared to be more extreme.
他们总是愿意比其他人走得更远。
They're always prepared to go further than anybody else.
因此,如果其他人掌权,比如克伦斯基继续执政,那么二十世纪的历史肯定会大不相同,我认为。
And so, of course, if anybody else had been you know, if Kerensky had stayed in power, then, yes, the history of the twentieth century would look mean, I it would look very different, I think.
托洛茨基和斯大林之间也存在着类似的辩证关系。
Similar dialectic going on with Trotsky and Stalin.
而斯大林最终再次胜出,因为他本质上——虽然有点奇怪——提供了和平与稳定,而托洛茨基则始终主张不断革命。
And Stalin ultimately wins out again because he essentially, I mean, weirdly offers, you know, peace and and stability, whereas Trotsky is all about permanent revolution and
托洛茨基是个不可控的家伙,对吧?
Well, Trotsky is a loose cannon, isn't he?
他完全是个不可控的家伙。
He's a completely loose cannon.
是的。
And Yes.
斯大林就是斯大林,他是秘书,斯大林是秘书。
Stalin is Stalin is the sec mean, Stalin is the secretary.
他是会议中那个无聊的人。
He is the boring guy in the meetings.
他处理了所有文书工作。
He's got all the done all the paperwork.
我特别喜欢这个想法,即列宁和斯大林都是那种稳妥、稳定型的人物。
I I I love the idea that that both Lenin and Stalin are the kind of safe, stable Of the jokes.
是的。
Yeah.
总之,莉兹·杰伊,这是个很好的问题。
Anyway, Liz Jay, great question here.
如果不是共产主义的俄罗斯,是否能够抵抗并最终击败纳粹德国?还是说,正是共产主义国家的独特性质,才让它能够以如此残酷的手段和对生命的漠视来打这场战争?
Would a non communist Russia have been able to resist and ultimately defeat Nazi Germany, or was it the unique nature of being a communist state that allowed it to fight the war with such brutal force and disregard for human life?
这是个很好的问题。
That's a great question.
你刚写了一篇关于斯大林战争的书评,对吧?
And you've just written a review of a book on Stalin's war, haven't you?
我写过了。
I have.
是的。
Yeah.
实际上,这是一本非常非凡的书,作者名叫肖恩·麦金。
A very extraordinary book, actually, by a man called Sean Meakin.
麦金提出了一个很棒的观点。
Now Meakin, he has this great idea.
他有一个绝妙的核心想法,就是我们不应该只从希特勒的角度来看待战争,而应该意识到斯大林才是战争的关键,而不是希特勒。
It's brilliant central idea of, you know, let's instead of thinking about the war just about Hitler, we should think about it through you know, Stalin is the key to the war, not Hitler.
所以,你要从俄罗斯的视角来看待这个问题。
So, you know, Stalin look at it through Russia's point of view.
是俄罗斯,也入侵了波兰。
It's Russia that's Russia also invades Poland.
俄罗斯吞并了波罗的海国家。
Russia swallows at the Baltic states.
你知道,日本很大程度上是出于对俄罗斯的恐惧,因此俄罗斯让你能够将东方和西方战场——即太平洋和欧洲战场——联系起来。
You know, Japan is largely motivated by fear of Russia, so Russia allows you to tie together sort of the East and Western theaters, the sort of Pacific and the European theaters of the war.
但他还有一个非常奇特的观点,这个观点在我眼中稍微——甚至致命地——削弱了他的整本书,那就是盟军本应同时攻击斯大林和希特勒。
But he also has this extraordinary argument, which slightly to me under well, fatally undermines his book, which is that the allies should have attacked Stalin as well as Hitler.
所以,我们在对德国宣战后,本应在斯大林入侵芬兰时,也对斯大林宣战。
So we should have, having declared war Hitler about Poland, we should then have declared war on Stalin when Stalin went into Finland.
我们本应挺身而出,为芬兰的独立而战。
We should have fought in defiant in defense of Finland.
他认为,如果英法在芬兰对斯大林开战,罗斯福就会加入,而我认为他不会,而且墨索里尼也会站在我们这一边。
He thinks that Britain and France, if we'd if we'd fought Stalin in Finland, that Roosevelt would have joined in, which I don't think he would, and that Mussolini would have joined in on our side as well.
那样的话,情况就会非常不同,是另一种选择。
So that would be a very different, second pick.
总之,你从那里开始了。
Anyway, I you're starting off there.
这完全是我的错。
That was entirely my fault.
是我发的。
I sent it.
是你带我走这条路线的。
It was you took me down the course.
一个非共产主义的俄罗斯?
Would a noncommunist, Russia?
其实可能不会。
Maybe not, actually.
我的意思是,共产主义的本质意味着你可以纪律严明地控制数百万人。
I mean, the nature of communism meant that you could discipline and control millions of people.
正如你所说,牺牲个人以换取更大的利益这种观念。
And as you say, you know, it's the idea of sacrificing people in the name of the greater good.
这种思维模式对斯大林的指挥官来说是自然而然的,而且苏联政委总是不断向部队灌输‘不许后退’的命令。
That sort of came naturally to Stalin's commanders, and there's sort of no step back rule that the Soviet commissars are are always sort of drumming into their offices.
我的意思是,这感觉非常斯大林主义。
I mean, that feels very Stalinist.
而且,你知道,军事历史学家,比如麦克斯·黑斯廷斯,会说俄罗斯人愿意不计代价、不惜一切代价。
And and, you know, military historians, people like Max Hastings, will say, you know, the Russians were prepared to do whatever it took and pay any price.
你知道,当英国将军或美国将军对牺牲士兵有些犹豫时,斯大林的将军们却清楚,他们自己如果不执行命令,就会被枪毙。
You know, when British generals or American generals were a bit weedy about sacrificing their men, you know, the the the Stalin Stalin's generals knew that, basically, they didn't sacrifice their men.
他们会自己被枪决。
They'd be shot themselves.
所以从这个意义上说,他们非常有效。
So they were they were very effective in that sense.
不过,拿破仑入侵俄国时不也是同样的情况吗?
Wasn't the same thing going on with Napoleon's invasion of Russia, though?
嗯,这正是这个论点。
Well well, yeah, that's the argument.
当然,在第一次世界大战中,沙皇时期的军官们对待士兵简直毫无人性。
And then, of course and in the first world war, the czarist officers treated their men like absolutely.
是的
Yeah.
他们对待士兵有点
They treated them a bit
炮灰。
Cannon fodder.
另外,我的意思是,当纳粹入侵时,斯大林稍微复兴了一些俄罗斯的传统。
Also, I mean, it's when it's when the Nazis invade that Stalin slightly resurrects some of the old traditions of Russia.
而且,他他确实。
Also, he he's Yeah.
他派了一幅圣像乘飞机,是的。
He sends well, he sends an icon up in a plane that Yeah.
在莫斯科城郊上空飞行。
Flies around the city limits of Moscow.
这就是斯大林。
So that's Stalin.
斯大林是一个被严重低估的政治家,因为他比希特勒灵活得多。
Stalin's a much underestimated politician because he's much more flexible than, let's say, Hitler is.
他比希特勒更精明。
He's cannier than than Hitler.
我认为你说得对,人们常常忘记俄罗斯直到十九世纪中后期,仍有大约四千万人是农奴。
And I think you're right about there's always this people often forget about Russia that as recently as sort of mid to late nineteenth century, about 40,000,000 Russians have been serfed.
他们基本上就是奴隶。
They basically mean slaves.
因此,暴力和不平等早已根植于俄罗斯,无论有没有斯大林主义。
So the sort of violence and and inequality was kind of was was baked into Russia.
无论有没有斯大林主义。
Stalinism or no Stalinism.
好的。
Okay.
好的。
Okay.
我想我们还有时间问最后一个问题。
I think we've got time for one more question.
天哪。
Golly.
你想问那个关于太空的问题吗?
Do you wanna
问那个关于太空的问题吗?
do the the the space question?
是的。
Yes.
所以这是理查德·戈德斯坦的问题:如果技术持续快速进步,那么在一千年内,甚至一百年内,地球人是否必然走向共产主义制度?
So this is Richard Goldstein, and he asks, if technology continues to rapidly improve, isn't a communistic system inevitable for earthlings in a thousand years, if not a hundred years?
当物质福祉不再有障碍时,依赖竞争的生计方式会不会变得过时?
When there is no barrier to material well-being, wouldn't competition dependent livelihoods become obsolete?
科幻作品中有很多共产主义元素。
There's a lot of communism in science fiction.
我喜欢理查德·戈德斯坦在谈论地球人时,自己可能根本就不是人类这一点。
I love the fact that Richard Goldstein may not himself be human when when he talks about earthlings.
是的。
Yeah.
确实有。
There is.
你说得对。
You're right.
曾经有一个叫实证主义者的共产主义团体。
And there was a communist group called the positivists.
实证主义者,丹尼斯·希利在他的回忆录中抱怨自己被嘘了。
The positivists, Dennis Healy complained about in his memoirs that he was being heckled.
实证主义者在1981年的工党副领袖选举中支持托尼·本。
The positivists were supporting Tony Ben in the labor deputy leadership election of nineteen eighty one.
实证主义者相信,因为共产主义是未来,而且因为它是历史必然,所以共产主义与技术现代性紧密相连。
The positivists believe that because communism is the future and because communism because it's the future and it's historically inevitable, communism, you know, is is is identified with technological modernity.
实证主义者认为,如果宇宙中存在任何比我们更先进的文明,那么根据定义,它们必定是共产主义的。
The positivists believe that if there were any other civilizations in the universe that were more advanced than us, they would, by definition, have to be communist.
所以他们认为,革命很可能会由外星人带来,而且他们至今仍相信,革命将由乘坐飞碟来到地球的人带来,他们会用他们的共产主义让我们印象深刻,然后使我们皈依。
So they thought the revolution would probably be brought, and they still do think the revolution will probably be brought to to Earth by people on flying saucers who will impress us with their communism and then will convert us.
我们会,你知道的,我们都成为共产主义者。
We'll con you know, we'll all become communists.
我觉得这不太可能,我也觉得理查德·戈德斯坦的论点没什么说服力,实际上我不认为这会成为必然。
I don't find that very plausible, and I don't find Richard Goldstein's argument very I don't think it will become inevitable, actually.
我认为这违背了人性。
I think it goes against human nature.
你提到了托尼·本。
You brought up Tony Ben
是的。
Yeah.
他是我的偶像,你知道的。
Who who favorite of mine, as you know.
你书里提到,被黄蜂蜇了阴茎。
From your book, got stung on the penis by a wasp.
在浴缸里?
In the bath?
我想是在他园艺的时候吧,对吧?
In the I think In the I think when he was gardening it, wasn't it?
但这和马克思有一个巨大的阴茎脓肿,并写信给恩格斯谈论此事,倒是个有趣的相似之处。
But a kind of interesting parallel to to Marx who who had a huge boil on his penis and wrote to Engels about it.
所以你看,就是这样。
So there you go.
哇。
Wow.
伟大的英雄们。
Great heroes.
这就是会发生的事。
This is what happens.
这就是会发生的事。
This is what happens.
伟大的社会主义英雄。
Great heroes of socialism.
左翼。
Left
当你进入那个世界时,脓疮就会随之而来。
wing of the spectrum, isn't When you get into that world, boils follow.
太棒了。
Brilliant.
我想,我们播客的掘墓人就是时间,时间是我们播客的掘墓人。
Well, I think I think the grave digger of our podcast has time is the grave digger of our podcast.
我认为这种高深的分析恰恰正是需要用来彻底终结关于马克思主义的讨论的。
I think this this sort of high brow analysis is precisely what knee is needed to to close the the conversation about Marxism forever.
好吧,时间已经基本宣告了共产主义的终结。
Well, time has been largely called on communism.
在国际上,今天我们也被点名了。
Internationally, it's been called on us too today.
提醒一下,周四我们将与特蕾西·博曼讨论伊丽莎白一世。
A reminder that on Thursday, we're talking about Elizabeth the first with Tracy Borman.
所以你们永远不能说我们这个播客的兴趣范围太狭窄。
So you can't ever accuse us of having too narrow a field of interest on this podcast.
总之,谢谢收听。
Anyway, thank you for listening.
享受这场革命,我们很快再见。
Enjoy the revolution, and see you soon.
再见。
Bye.
感谢收听《余下的历史》。
Thanks for listening to the rest is history.
如需获取附加剧集、提前收听、无广告收听以及加入我们的聊天社区,请前往 restishistorypod.com 注册。
For bonus episodes, early access, ad free listening and access to our chat community, please sign up at restishistorypod.com.
那是 restishistorypod.com。
That's restishistorypod.com.
我是安东尼·斯卡穆奇。
Anthony Scaramucci here.
尽管我非常喜欢谈论政治,但说实话,这有时会给我惹麻烦。
As much as I love talking politics, and let's be honest, it sometimes gets me in trouble.
我的另一个——可能更安全的——热情是书籍。
My other and probably safer passion is books.
我们刚刚在播客《Open Book》上发布了第200期,这是另一个目标悬挂者节目。
We just dropped our two hundredth episode on my podcast, Open Book, another goal hanger show.
为了庆祝这一里程碑,我们采访了水石书店和巴诺书店的首席执行官詹姆斯·多恩。
And to celebrate, we spoke with none other than Waterstones and Barnes and Noble CEO, James Dawn.
让我们来听一听。
Let's take a listen.
这是一项非凡的技术,詹姆斯。
It's a phenomenal piece of technology, James.
一切都变了。
Everything has changed.
我们的手机变了。
Our phones have changed.
我们的电脑也变了。
Our computer.
我们看电视的方式变了,而书籍是一种500年历史的技术。
The way we look at the TV, the book is a 500 year old piece of technology.
你觉得呢?
Do you
你觉得五百年后,它还会存在吗,詹姆斯?
think in five hundred years, it'll be with us, James?
我认为会的。
I think so.
我认为它如此持久且高效,这真是令人惊叹。
And I think it's astonishing simply how extraordinarily durable it is and effective it is.
正如你所说,报纸我们再也不看了。
And as you say, newspapers, we don't read them anymore.
它在你的iPad上。
It's on your iPad.
它在你的手机上。
It's on your phone.
在音乐领域,格式一直在变化。
In music, format the changes all the time.
但书籍不是这样。
Not with books.
我认为当出版商也关注书籍的物理特性时,它们确实是美丽而永恒的珍宝。
And I think when publishers also concentrate on the physical attributes of a book as well, they are lovely things and treasures forever.
此刻可能有太多书籍在出版了。
There may be too many books being published right at this moment.
你觉得这是真的吗,埃利斯·怀特?
Do you believe that in Ellis White?
书太多了,而且情况越来越糟。
Far, far too many books, and it's getting ever, ever worse.
这是作为一个经营实体书店的书商所说的话。
This is speaking as a bookseller who crafts a physical space.
所以我只有这么点空间,而自助出版的书却越来越多。
So I only have so much space, and there's more and more and lots of self publishing.
写一本书并希望它面世,这本身没什么错。
Nothing wrong with writing a book and wanting to see it out in the world.
但对我而言,我必须不断进行筛选。
But for my self, I have to curate all the time.
我感到遗憾的是,人们会因为我没有上架他们的书而生气。
And the bit that I regret is that people get upset with me for not carrying their book.
我真的做不到。
Well, I just can't.
我没有足够的空间来存放。
I don't have the space for it.
这正是我的意思。
And that's really what I mean.
他们通过Kindle、Nook或在线销售,我完全没问题。
The fact that they sell on Kindle or they sell on Nook or online is fine by me.
我希望人们多读书,但我自己必须进行筛选。
I I want people reading, but I myself have to curate.
事实上,我无法上架绝大多数出版的书籍。
And the reality is that I can't take the vast majority of books that are published.
希望你们喜欢这段视频。
I hope you enjoyed that clip.
想了解更多来自詹姆斯·索恩和其他人的内容,请在您收听播客的平台订阅《开放图书》与安东尼·斯卡莫丘。
To hear more from James Thawne and others, subscribe to Open Book with Anthony Scaramucci wherever you get your podcasts.
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