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英国人正被出卖。
The English people are being betrayed.
在危险的外来新思想影响下,一小撮都市知识分子正试图颠覆我们的国家历史,摧毁我们的传统文化。
Under the influence of dangerous new foreign ideas, a tiny minority of metropolitan intellectuals are trying to undermine our national history and destroy our traditional culture.
我们的身份从未如此岌岌可危。
Never before has our identity been to you get the gist.
所以,这就是1530年代的英格兰。
So this is England in the fifteen thirties.
这是1640年代的英格兰,17世纪的英格兰,19世纪的英格兰,1960年代的英格兰,如今再次进入2020年代。
It's England in the sixteen forties, England in the seventeen hundreds, the nineteen hundreds, the nineteen sixties, and now once again in the twenty twenties.
欢迎收听《历史的其余部分》,主持人是饱经沧桑的文化战士汤姆·霍兰德,以及我——更细致、更理性得多的多米尼克·桑德布鲁克。
Welcome to The Rest is History with battle scarred culture warrior Tom Holland, and me, the far more nuanced and reasonable Dominic Sandbroke.
多米尼克。
Dominic.
你好,汤姆。
Hello, Tom.
多米尼克,你在文化战争中真是伤痕累累啊。
Dominic, you are so battle scarred in the culture wars.
我的意思是,你为《每日邮报》写文章。
I mean, you write for the Daily Mail.
这才是文化战士的精髓。
That's the essence of a culture warrior.
好吧。
Okay.
你一下子就直奔主题了。
You're gonna go there straight away.
没问题。
Fair enough.
现在我知道我们各自的立场了。
Now I know where we I know where we stand.
我正在黑入
I'm hacking
在路边。
down the road.
我们要讲一讲文化战争的历史。
We're we are gonna get into the history of culture wars.
我的意思是,我们不一定现在就谈,也许在节目的后半段我们会讨论一些文化战争,但我觉得首先应该搞清楚文化战争到底是什么,因为这是一个非常热门的话题。
I mean, we're not well, maybe we'll fight some culture wars in the second half of the pod, but maybe the to start with, I think it's really this is such a hot topic, and I think we should really sort of get into what culture wars are.
它们是人为制造的吗?
Are they confected?
你知道,文化战争的历史根源在哪里?
You know, where do they come from historically?
我认为,汤姆,我们不妨从一个问题开始。
And we might as well start, I think, Tom, with a question.
我们有一个来自吉尔贝托·莫尔巴赫的问题,他问:文化战争的首次实例是什么?
So we've got a question from Gilberto Morbach, who says, what is the first instance of a culture war?
他说,那不是俾斯麦针对天主教会的‘文化斗争’(Kulturkampf)。
He says, it's not the Kulturkampf, which is Bismarck's war against the Catholic church itself.
我不这么认为。
I don't think it is.
我认为文化战争和历史一样悠久,它们可以追溯到古希腊人和波斯人之间的冲突,那不就是一场文化战争吗?
I think culture wars are as old as history itself, and I think they go back to, you know, what are the Greeks and the Persians but a culture war?
罗马共和国时期的争论,不也是一场文化战争吗?
What are the arguments within the Roman Republic but a culture war?
不过,汤姆,你可能不同意。
But maybe, Tom, you disagree.
我不同意,因为如果用‘文化战争’来指代两种不同文化之间的冲突,那每一场战争都是如此。
I do disagree because I think that if you use culture war to mean the war between two different cultures I mean, every that that's every war.
每一场战争都代表着不同的观点、不同的文化理解、不同的文化假设。
Every war is is bringing different perspectives, different cultural understandings, different cultural assumptions.
所以你干脆直接说‘战争’就好了。
So you might just as well say war.
我认为
I I think
但那并不是我真正想表达的意思。
But that's not that's not quite but the idea of that's not really what I mean.
我的意思是,关于我们应该成为怎样的人,这场争论是什么?
What I mean is the argument about what who should we be?
我们的价值观是什么?
What are our values?
我们的身份是什么?
What's our identity?
我的意思是,希腊人确实争论过这些问题,罗马人也争论过,比如,我们是不是变得太希腊化了?
I mean, Greeks did argue about those things, and Romans argued about them and said, you know, are we becoming too Greek?
我们是不是变得太波斯化了?
Are we becoming too Persian?
我们是不是背叛了祖先?
Are we betraying our ancestors?
我们是否配得上我们的历史?
Are we living up to our history?
所有这些争论,我们英国人或美国人现在正经历的,其实和历史一样悠久。
All those arguments, which we have as Britons right now or Americans, they are as old as history itself.
但你看,这就像说尤利乌斯·凯撒征服了法国。
But see, I I think that's like saying that Julius Caesar conquered France.
这在某种程度上是对的,但也遗漏了很多内容,而且容易造成时代错置。
It it it's kind of true, but it's also missing quite a lot, and I think it risks anachronism.
我认为文化派确实是从是的开始的。
I I do think that that the culture camp, you know, it it begins with yeah.
基本上,它确实始于俾斯麦和
Basically, it does begin with with Bismarck and the
我不明白。
Oh, I don't understand.
与天主教会作为概念、作为类别的冲突。
Conflict with with the with with the Catholic church as a concept, as a category.
也许你可以以某种方式将这一点回溯投射。
And perhaps you can then back project that in a certain way.
但我认为,俾斯麦所参与的这场文化战争,本质上是关于宗教权威在世俗化国家中的界限问题。
But I think that the, essentially, the the the culture war that Bismarck is engaged in is over the the limits of religious authority over a secularizing state.
所以我认为,这关乎世俗主义与自称为基督徒者之间的张力。
So I think it's about the tensions between the secular and the self professingly Christian.
但但但但令人惊讶的是。
But but but but astonishing surprise.
是的。
Yeah.
但正如你所知,世俗这个概念本身也是基督教的产物。
But but as you as you will know, of course, the the concept of the secular is itself a Christian one.
因此,我要说的是,文化战争本质上是一种升华了的神学。
So what I would say, culture war is basically it's sublimated theology.
所以它产生于一种特定的基督教背景,但在这个背景下,一方已不再承认自己是基督徒。
So it it it is generated out of out of a specifically Christian context, but it's a a context in which one side no longer recognizes itself as being Christian.
因此,这是一种后基督教的战争。
So it's a kind of post Christian war.
所以我认为,美国所有的文化战争本质上都是围绕基督教神学的问题展开的。
So that's I think So I think that that in all the culture wars in America, they are essentially all revolving around issues of Christian theology.
只是有一方没有意识到这一点,而另一方则意识到了。
It's just that one side doesn't recognize that, and one side does.
但让我们先回到汤姆的话题,我想在回到俾斯麦和基督教这些内容之前,再往前追溯一点。
But let's go back for Tom, I I wanna go back further before let's before we get back to Bismarck and Christianity and stuff.
你是不是在说,在罗马共和国后期——你曾对此进行过非常成功的论述——当人们争论说共和国的奠基理想,即他们所认为的清教徒式理想已经失落,他们抨击现代社会的奢侈、柔弱与堕落,像加图这样的人反对他们眼中那些非罗马化的新派人物?
Are you saying that when, in the sort of the later days of the Roman Republic, which you've written about so successfully, when people are arguing that the founding ideals, what they see as the puritanical ideals of the republic, have been lost, and they are arguing about what they see as the luxurious effeminacy and decadence of the modern age, and you know, people like Cato are arguing against what they see as the sort of the new people who are un Roman and all that stuff.
你不觉得这其中也有文化战争的成分吗?
You don't think there's a culture war element to that?
你真的不这么认为?
You really don't.
我认为这更多是关于政治风格的问题,因为这正是核心所在——但这是不是
I I think it's more about political style because that's the essence of But is that
但这不正是现在文化战争所关注的吗?
but that's what culture wars are about now?
我不确定是这样,因为我认为在我们对文化战争的理解中,核心是进步这个概念,除非它变得过于宽泛而变得模糊且毫无意义。
I'm not sure it is because I think that it it's it's about I I think that baked into our understanding of culture war, and it unless it's going to become something so kind of broad reaching that it just becomes nebulous and point pointless is the idea of progress.
关键在于你是否站在进步的一边。
It's the idea of whether you're on the side of progress or not.
这就需要一些人认为自己是进步的,而另一些人则认为进步实际上是一种损失,也就是某种形式的保守主义。
So it it requires people who feel them that that they're progressive and people who feel that that progress is actually a form of loss, so a kind of conservatism.
当然,罗马人中也有人明确地将自己定义为保守派。
There are, of course you know, there are people who define themselves absolutely as conservatives in in in in Rome.
但是
But
是的。
Yeah.
加图就是一个很好的例子。
Cato would be a great example.
但是但是
But but
凯撒并不是在维护某种理念,他只是在展现一种风格。
Caesar is not he he's upholding a kind of style.
这是一种表面的炫目。
It's a it's a kind of flash.
这是一种迎合大众品味的诉求。
It's a kind of an appeal to the tastes of the people.
但它并没有违背罗马的根本理念。
But it's not going against the very idea of Rome.
它并没有提出某些习俗和传统应该被抛弃、被取代的观点。
It's not kind of formulating the idea that there are customs and practices that are superseded that should be jettisoned.
我认为,如果你想找罗马历史上最接近文化战争的例子,那就是基督教关于社会应如何运作的理念,与传统罗马价值观之间的碰撞。
I think if you want so if you want the closest approximation to a culture war, I think, that you get in in Roman history is one where where Christian ideas about what a society should properly be is are coming up against traditional Roman ideals.
因为这确实是一场真正的冲突。
Because that genuinely is a kind of a clash.
我认为,那些反对罗马文化某些方面的基督徒,他们的做法或许可以被定义为进步的。
And I think that the Christians who are opposing certain aspects of Roman culture are doing it in a way that we could perhaps define as progressive.
他们有点说好吧。
They're kind of saying Okay.
我总是
I always
那个。
that.
可以改进。
Be improved.
事情可以变得更好。
Things can be better.
而你所维护的传统已经过时,应该被抛弃。
And the the the the traditions that you are are upholding are antiquated and should be jettisoned.
所以,嗯,我本来想问
So so the Well, I wanted to ask
关于基督教出现时的那件事。
you about that when Christianity comes in.
因为在那里,你肯定会有某种感受。
Because there, surely, you have you must have a sense.
我的意思是,现在很难把握这一点,因为我们的史料非常有限。
I mean, it's very hard to get hold of that now because our sources are so limited.
但你一定对罗马帝国君士坦丁大帝及其继任者时代的人们有所了解——我想更多是指他的继任者们,他们曾说:‘我从小被教导要相信X、Y和Z,但现在,是的。’
But you must have a sense of people in there in Rome in the days of Constantine the Great and his successors, well, I suppose more his successors, who were saying, you know, I was always brought up to believe x, y, and z, and and now Yeah.
我所相信的一切都被彻底颠覆了。
Everything that I believe has been turned on its head.
难道不令人痛心吗?这些尖声叫嚷、咄咄逼人的人——在这种情况下是基督徒——正在夺走我们的国家?
And isn't it awful that these shrieking, strident people, in this case, the Christians, are taking our country from us?
我的意思是,他们不会说‘我们的国家’,但你知道,是夺走我们的世界,把一切都翻了个底朝天。
I mean, wouldn't have said our country, but, you know, our world from us and turning everything on its head.
我曾经坚信二十年前人们所相信的一切,可突然间,有人告诉我那全都是错的。
I just believe what what people believe twenty years ago, and suddenly, I'm told that's all wrong.
我甚至不知道正确的说法该是什么。
I didn't even know what the right words are.
你知道,我们懂这些行话。
You know, we we know the lingo.
那么,他们说的不正是这个意思吗?
So aren't they saying exactly that then?
所以基督徒带给这个局面的,首先是这样一种观念:存在一种超越地方性的普遍身份。
So so what Christians are bringing in to the to the party is, first of all, the idea that there is a kind of universal identity that transcends the local.
因此,罗马传统并没有那么重要。
So Rome Roman traditions are not that important.
相对于基督徒所带来的好消息——这才是真正普世的——这些传统就显得不那么重要了。
They relative to the the good news of of of that Christians bring, which are which is which are properly universal.
另一个观念是,罗马文化的某些方面不仅无关紧要,而且根本就是邪恶的,因此必须以某种或许略显过时但我们可以称之为‘进步’的东西之名加以废除,因为基督徒认为,铲除邪恶能改善社会和每个人的生活。
And, also, the other the the other idea is that certain aspects of Roman culture are are not just kind of irrelevant, but literally demonic, and therefore have to be abolished in the name of of something that perhaps rather anachronistically we could call progress because Christians would see the removal of the demonic as improving life for society and everybody within it.
所以像角斗士这样的事情吗?
So is that things like gladiatorial?
是的。
Yeah.
但还有一种奴隶制。
But there's one slavery.
有一种特别的事件,非常著名,发生在四世纪末。
The the there's one there's one particular kind of incident which is which is famous, which takes place in the late fourth century.
元老院里有一个名为胜利祭坛的祭坛,它象征着罗马人对其往昔辉煌的认同。
There is an altar in the Senate house called the Altar Of Victory, which serves as a symbol for the Romans of their the the glories of their past.
因此,有一座胜利女神尼刻的雕像,可以追溯到与皮洛士战争时期,甚至早于汉尼拔的时代。
So there's a statue of victory, Nike, which dates back to the wars with Pyrrhus, so so before the time of Hannibal even.
而这个祭坛本身是由奥古斯都设立,以庆祝他战胜安东尼和克利奥帕特拉的胜利。
And the altar itself is has been put there by Augustus to celebrate his victories over over Antony and Cleopatra.
所以它绝对是,你知道的,就像纳尔逊纪念柱一样。
So it's absolutely you know, it's it's Nelson's column.
它代表着罗马人眼中所有体现其军事荣耀的事物。
It's it's everything that the Romans kind of see as embodying their martial glory.
那就是你的教会。
That's your church.
是的。
Yes.
那是在议会里。
That's in parliament.
当然。
Absolutely.
基督徒憎恨它,因为它要求人们焚烧香料、向这些基督徒视为恶魔的神灵献祭。
And the Christians hate it because it's it it it requires people to to offer to burn incense, to offer sacrifice to the these gods who the who Christians see as demonic.
因此他们不断呼吁将其移除。
So they're constantly agitating to have it removed.
公元357年,君士坦提乌斯二世确实将其移除了。
And three five seven, Constantius the second does remove it.
随后继位的是尤利安,基督徒称他为背教者,因为他想恢复异教信仰。
Then he's succeeded by Julian, who is notoriously named by the Christians as the apostate because he wants to reintroduce paganism.
于是他又把祭坛重新搬了回来。
So he he brings it back in.
然后在三月,它又被移除了。
Then it gets removed again in March.
而实施这一行动的皇帝格拉提安在政变中去世,他的同父异母兄弟瓦伦提尼安二世随后被请求恢复这一制度。
And the emperor who does that, a guy called Gratian, then dies in a coup, and his half brother, Valentinian the second, is then petitioned to to bring it back.
这一点之所以被详细记录下来,是因为我们拥有双方的记录。
And the reason that this is is is very well documented is that we have both sides.
我们有一位名叫叙马库斯的参议员,他是异教徒参议员,写信给皇帝说:
So we have a guy called Symmachus who is a senator, a pagan senator, who's writing to the emperor and saying, look.
你知道的,己所不欲,勿施于人。
You know, live and let live.
基督徒可以拥有他们的教堂。
Christians can have their churches.
为什么我们不能保留我们的祭坛?
Why can't we have our altar?
当然。
Sure.
这没问题。
That's fine.
然后我们有米兰主教圣安布罗斯的回应,他说我们不能对此进行任何妥协,因为这是恶魔的行为。
And then we have the the the response from Saint Ambrose, who's the bishop of Milan, saying we cannot negotiate with this because this is demonic.
必须把它清除掉。
It has to be got rid of.
我们完全不能妥协。
We have no no compromise at all.
我认为,这里确实可以看到我们社会文化战争雏形的轮廓。
And I think there you do see a kind of a proto example of the contours that the culture wars in our society will will take on.
对于那些自视为所谓进步派的人来说,某些事情是绝对不可谈判的。
The sense that that certain things for those who are identifying themselves with what we might call the progressive cause is nonnegotiable.
过去的残余不能仅仅被容忍。
And that detritus of the past cannot just be tolerated.
必须将其移除。
It has to be removed.
我认为那是汤姆,
I think that that's Tom,
我认为你已经 brilliantly 驳斥了你一开始的论点,对我来说,这完全令人信服。
I think you've brilliantly disproved your argument I at the beginning of the I mean, mean, that to me is utterly compelling.
我的意思是,这听起来完全真实可信。
I mean, that sounds completely recognizable.
阿姆布罗斯是清醒的,而另一个家伙是不清醒的,所以两者之间根本没有妥协,所以我想说的是,我
Ambrose is well is is woke, and the other fellow is unwoke, and never the so there's no compromise between So what I would what I
我承认,基督教与既存社会的关系中确实存在文化战争的元素。
would grant is that there is a there are certainly cultural war elements within Christianity's relationship to the preexisting society.
例如,基督教哲学家和神学家对异教文学的态度中也存在这种焦虑。
And it's there, for instance, also in the anxieties that Christian philosophers and theologians feel in their attitude towards pagan literature.
所以在十世纪,有一位克鲁尼修道院院长做了一个梦,梦见一个花瓶,里面盘绕着三条蛇。
So so in the in in the tenth century, there's an abbot of Clooney who has a dream in which he sees a vase, and it's full of coiling snakes, three coiling snakes.
他醒来后,一位天使出现,说:这些蛇就是维吉尔、贺拉斯和奥维德,你必须除掉它们。
And he wakes and and an angel appears and says, these snakes are Virgil and Horace and Ovid, so you must get rid of them.
与此同时,在拉文纳,有些人认为,我们实际上应该学习维吉尔而不是福音书,因为维吉尔的作品要好得多。
Meanwhile, simultaneously, in Ravenna, you have people who are who are who are saying that, actually, we should be studying Virgil rather than the gospels because they're much better.
所以,我想,这在某种程度上预示了我们今天所熟知的一些趋势。
So that that, I guess, is a kind of you know, there are kind of prefigurings there of of of trends that we recognize.
但我认为,本质上发生的是一个根本上是基督教的社会与一个不认同自身为基督教的社会之间的张力。
But I think that, basically, what what is happening there is that it's the tension between a fundamentally Christian society and a society that is that is not identifying itself as Christian.
我认为,基督徒们
And I think that Do the Christians
会删减内容吗?
cancel stuff?
他们想禁止文学作品吗?
Do they want to cancel literature,
其实并不真的如此。
Not for really.
有些人会,但那只是少数。
Some do, but but it's a kind of minority.
但对此总有一种微妙的矛盾心理。
But there's always a slight ambivalence around it.
我认为,比如说,在二十一世纪的美国大学里,学生在学习奥维德的作品前会收到预警提示,这种做法某种程度上反映了晚期古代基督徒对奥维德或维吉尔所持有的那种矛盾心态。
And I think that, you know, there are kind of I mean, I I would argue that the, say, you know, people giving giving before trigger warnings before studying Ovid or something in twenty first century American university, that there is a kind of echo there of the ambivalences that Christians felt, say, towards Ovid or Virgil in late antiquity.
我认为,本质上,这两种情况都源于深刻的基督教信念,即相信普遍性与进步性。
And I think that, essentially, it's but in both cases, it's bred of deeply Christian assumptions about both the universal and the progressive.
我认为,这些才是关键。
And I think that those are the keys.
在这一时期,汤姆,也就是晚期古代到早期中世纪,人们对图像产生了巨大的争议。
What you also get in this period, Tom well, sort of late antiquity, early medieval, is a huge amount of hullabaloo about images.
让我感到某种延续性的是,如今关于雕像、纪念牌以及该纪念谁的刻像,正涌动着大量讨论。
And and one thing that does strike me as a kind of continuity is that, obviously, there is a torrent of stuff at the moment about statues, and about plaques to people, and, you know, who you celebrate in the graven image.
这种争议在拜占庭时期的圣像破坏运动中也存在。
And that's there in Byzantium, in the arguments about iconoclasm.
而那时,你不也看到类似的情况吗?
And then there again, I think, don't you see the same kind of thing?
有些人会说,我从小就被教导要相信X、Y和Z。
People who say, well, I've been brought up to believe X, Y and Z.
我一直认为这些图像至关重要,是我们文化以及想象和宗教精神世界的核心,而现在这些家伙却跑来把它们涂白、清除掉,就像后来宗教改革时期所做的那样。
I've always believed that these images were an important part, they're central to our culture and our imaginative and religious spiritual world, and now these bastards are coming along and whitewashing them and getting rid of them, just as they obviously later do in the Reformation.
在我看来,这种冲动贯穿了过去两千年。
And that seems to me to be that's a fascinating impulse running through the last two thousand years.
关于图像、该树立谁、以及是否该树立图像的持续争斗。
Constant battles about images and who you put up and whether it's right to put up an image at
全部。
all.
但我在知道我们要讨论这个话题时,就一直在想,我觉得这有所不同,因为那些都是基督徒用基督教的术语在争论该怎么做。
But I was I was kinda thinking about this knowing that we were gonna be talking about this, and I I just kind of have this I I feel that that's different because those are Christians arguing in Christian terms about what should be done.
所以拜占庭时期关于圣像的争论,以及十六世纪关于图像的争论,双方都是基督徒。
So the arguments about about icons in Byzantium and about images in the sixteenth century are people who who both accept that they're Christians on both sides.
因此,这是关于神学的争论,双方都承认自己是在讨论神学问题。
So it's it's arguments about theology where both are recognizing that they're arguing about theology.
我认为但他们并不
I think But they don't
觉得对方是好基督徒,对吧?
think the other people are good Christians, though, do they?
不。
No.
他们不觉得。
They don't.
他们真的不认为对方是好基督徒。
They really don't think the other people are good Christians.
但我认为文化战争的定义是,双方本质上都在用神学术语辩论,但只有一方不承认这一点。
But I think I think the definition of a culture war is where both sides are essentially debating theological terms, but only one side one side doesn't recognize it.
好的。
Okay.
那你给我解释一下。
So explain that to me.
你觉得一方是多元主义,而另一方不是多元主义吗?
You think one so one side pluralist and the other not pluralist?
所以关于
So on the
在雕像问题上,基督教文化本身对雕像就存在极大的矛盾心理。
stat on the statue on the statues issue, there is there is absolutely of course, Christian culture introduces a huge ambivalence about statues.
树立雕像以纪念伟人的想法,是一种非常具有文化特性的做法。
And the idea of putting up statues to memorialize great figures is is a very culturally specific one.
这种做法是古希腊人,尤其是古罗马人所拥有的。
It's it's one that the Greeks have and and particularly the Romans have.
罗马人总是不断竖立他们伟大将军和杰出人物的雕像。
So the Romans are the Romans are always shoving up statues of their great generals and their great men.
而现代欧洲这种趋势,实际上反映了基督教对公共空间中何为可接受之物的理解正在逐渐松动。
And, essentially, the the the trend in modern Europe to do that reflects a kind of loosening of specifically Christian understandings about what is acceptable in the public space.
所以,真正开始有人这么说,是在十七世纪,然后延续到十八世纪,他们说:我们也拥有自己的伟人。
So you in the it's in the it's in the seventeenth century, really, and then in through into the eighteenth century that you start getting people saying, you know, we too have great men.
你知道,这种对罗马的认同感正在不断增强。
You know, this is this this increasing identification with with particularly Rome.
所以,你知道,十八世纪被称为奥古斯都时代。
So so, you know, the eighteenth century is known as the Augustan age.
正是在十八世纪,人们开始为伟大的将军和国王竖立雕像。
So it's in the eighteenth century that you start getting people putting up statues of of great men, of generals, and and Kings.
是的。
Yeah.
国王,还有慈善家,基督教的慈善家。
Kings, but also benefactors, Christian benefactors.
是的。
Yeah.
于是雕像纷纷竖立起来,这就是为什么我们公共空间中的大多数雕像都代表十八、十九世纪和二十世纪初的人物。
So so up they go, and that's why most of the statues in our public spaces are represent figures from the from the the eighteenth and the nineteenth and the early twentieth century.
是的。
Yeah.
帝国时代。
The age of empire.
但这是因为这是一个古典主义的时代。
But because this is a this is a classicizing age.
这是一个回望罗马时代的时代。
This is an age that is looking back to the Roman age.
我认为,今天围绕雕像的焦虑源于一种深刻的基督教观念。
Now I think that the the anxieties around statues today are bred of kind of deeply Christian ideas.
只是那些反对雕像的人,并不会意识到这其实是一种基督教观念。
It's just that the people who are campaigning against it, they wouldn't recognize that as being Christian.
但本质上,我们之所以不能竖立雕像,是因为它纪念了堕落与邪恶,比如奴隶贩子、帝国主义者等等。
But, essentially, the the sense that we can't have a statue up because it it it commemorates depravity and evil, So if it's a slave trader or an imperialist or whatever.
这背后假设了:通过奴隶制获利,或征服广袤领土并在此过程中杀害他人,都不应得到赞扬。
This is very this is drawing on the assumption that to make a profit from slaves or to conquer vast reaches of territory and kill people while doing so is not something that is deserving of praise.
而这些假设源于我们基督教历史的伟大传统。
And these are assumptions that are bred of the great heritage of our of of of Christian history.
但他们已经摆脱了特定基督教教义的束缚,如今这些观念只是弥漫在空气中,人们自然而然地呼吸着它们,并将其视为理所当然。
But they they they've escaped that they they've kind of escaped the moorings of specific Christian doctrine, and they now just kind of percolate in the air and people just kind of breathe them in and to and and take them for granted.
但在我看来,这就是我对文化战争的理解:它们是关于神学的争论,而参与者却并未意识到自己是在进行神学争论。
But that, I think, is for me, that's what I would see the culture wars as being, is that it's it's it's arguments about theology that do not recognize themselves as being arguments about theology.
那么,让我们回到宗教改革时期吧,因为我原以为我们会花很多时间讨论宗教改革。
So then when you go back to so let's go back to the the reformation, because I thought we'd spend a lot time talking about the reformation.
因为当乔治·弗洛伊德被杀、'黑人的命也是命'运动兴起时,发生了大量事件。
Because when when the the sort of the George Floyd was killed, Black Lives Matter kicked off, there was a, you know, ton of stuff.
那时我们显然正处于封锁状态。
We're obviously in lockdown at that point.
那是去年,也就是2020年。
That was last year in the sort of 2020.
因此,它成了唯一一个不是关于新冠疫情的主要新闻话题。
So it monopolized it was the one story that wasn't the coronavirus, basically.
就在那时,我正在写我的儿童读物——这其实是个不错的推广机会。
And at that very moment, I was writing my children's this is a good plug, actually.
我当时正在写一本关于亨利八世和他的六位妻子的儿童读物。
I was writing my children's book about Henry the eighth and his six wives.
所以我读了一些关于宗教改革的书,比如彼得·马歇尔的杰出著作《异端与改革者》,这可能是我读过的关于英国宗教改革最好的历史书籍之一。
And so I was reading books about the reformation, like Peter Marshall's great book, Heretics and Reformers, about a brilliant one of the best history books I think I've ever read about the English reformation.
我心想,这简直太相似了。
And I was thinking to myself how uncannily similar this is.
你知道,那些虔诚的天主教徒对新教徒的震惊和恐惧,这些新教徒带着外来思想——聪明、人脉广泛、富裕的商人,以及沿着贸易路线传来的欧洲观念。
You know, these accounts by sort of good Catholics of their their shock and their horror as Protestants with imported ideas, you know, clever, well connected, affluent merchants and stuff with European ideas that have traveled along the trade routes.
你知道,这些有文化的人说:不。
You know, these are literate people who are saying, no.
你们所相信的一切都是错的。
Everything you believed was wrong.
你们应该好好学习。
You know, you should you should educate yourself.
你们应该净化你们的教会。
You should purge your church.
你应该做所有这些。
You should do all this.
我觉得这里有着如此的连续性。
And I thought there is such continuity here.
很难说清楚新闻在哪里结束,而历史书又从哪里开始。
You know, it's hard to tell where the news ends and this history book begins.
我完全同意。
I completely agree.
并没有。
There is no.
确实存在,那里有着连续性。
There is absolutely, there is continuity there.
我完全同意。
I I completely agree.
对我来说,'文化战争'这个词,你知道,它是在俾斯麦时代的德国创造出来的。
It's just that for me, the the word culture war is it kind of you know, it it it's it's coined in Bismarck's Germany.
当这个词在美国的使用中不断发展时,我认为所有这些趋势、所有这些战争、所有这些斗争,都源自基督教的范式。
And then as it as it evolves with its use in America, I I think that, of course, all these all these trends, all these wars, all these battles are inherited from Christian paradigms.
我只是觉得,我们所说的‘文化战争’,指的是那些没有意识到自己是在讨论神学的神学争论,而在宗教改革时期,人们是清楚意识到的。
It's just that I think that what we mean by culture wars, it it it refers to arguments about theology that do not recognize themselves as being about theology, whereas in the reformation, they do.
所以我完全同意,阅读那些在成为新教徒的城镇和城市中发生的圣像破坏事件的记载——人们闯入大教堂,砸碎十字架,嘲弄圣母像,把圣徒雕像扔进河里。
So I completely agree that that reading the accounts of of the iconoclasm in, you know, towns and cities that are becoming Protestant, where people are going into cathedrals and smashing crucifixes and and kind of mocking statues of the Virgin and chucking statues of saints into into the river.
我的意思是,这确实令人震惊,但这些行为都是以明确的神学语言进行的。
I mean, it is kind of shocking, but it's done in overtly theological terms.
这些行为的正当理由都是基于圣经和神学的。
The justifications for them are are given in terms of scripture and theology.
但现在的情况并非如此。
That's not what happens now.
所以当人们争论跨性别权利、雕像问题或堕胎等问题时,这些争论常常——尤其是关于堕胎、同性恋权利之类的问题——被框架化为……
So when people argue about trans rights or about statues or abortion or whatever, the arguments are framed often I mean, often so so abortion or gay rights or something like that.
它通常被描绘成基督徒与进步派之间的对抗。
It's it's it's often cast as, you know, it's Christians against progressives.
所以现在基督徒成了保守派,而进步派则将这种信仰视为蒙昧的迷信而背弃之。
So it's the Christians who are the conservatives now, and it's the progressives who are turning their back on that as kind of benighted superstition.
但我认为,进步派所汲取的基督教历史与神学遗产,丝毫不亚于那些自认的基督徒。
But what I think is that the progressives are drawing just as much on that inheritance of Christian history and theology as the the the self confessing Christians.
只是他们没有意识到这一点。
It's just that they don't recognize it.
这就是我认为的文化
So that that's that's what I think a culture
你的这个观点,汤姆,是不会被认可的。
of will not approve of your argument there, Tom.
是的。
Yeah.
所以爱丽丝·罗伯茨这样的人物,若非在某种新教基督教的语境下,是完全无法想象的。
So Alice Alice Roberts is absolutely a, you know, a figure who would be unthinkable in any other context except a kind of Protestant Christian one.
但她本人并不接受这一点。
But she doesn't she she doesn't accept that.
但正是这一点让她
But and that's what makes her
我的意思是,我同意。
I I mean, I agree.
这让她成为一个文化战士,而不是一个参与基督教内部战争的基督教参与者。
That's what makes her a culture warrior rather than rather than a, you know, a a a Christian contestant in an intra Christian war.
而且还是一个如此有趣的喜剧人物。
And such an entertaining comic figure.
但无论如何,这件事还有另一个维度,我认为非常有趣,而我猜你一定会完全反对,那就是更明显的政治维度。
But anyway, so you there's one other dimension to this, which I think is really interesting that you, I imagine, will completely reject, and that is the sort of more overtly political dimension.
所以,在我看来,我会说,而你显然会不同意,英国政治一直以来都是一种文化战争。
So, to me, I would argue, and you clearly would disagree, that British politics has always been a kind of culture war.
我的意思是,比如罗伯特·图姆斯在他的书《英格兰人及其历史》中就提出了这个观点。
I mean, this is what, for example, Robert Toombs argues in his book, The English and Their History.
他认为,英格兰的政治尤其一直具有这种文化战争的维度,始终存在一个宗教鸿沟。
He argues that English politics specifically has always had this culture war dimension, that there's always been a religious gap.
旅游群体和保守派就像是投票箱里的英国国教,而中产阶级生活中自由左翼的倾向,始终由宗教非国教传统和异议传统所驱动。
The tourism and the conservatives are the kind of Church of England at the voting booth, and that the sort of liberal left wing tendency, particularly in middle class life, has always been driven by religious nonconformity, and by the tradition of dissent.
当我回溯政治诞生的时期——也就是我们所认知的政治的起源,即十七世纪末、十八世纪初——你会发现,那时的争论几乎都围绕着文化战争类议题展开。
And actually, when I look back at the period that politics was born, that what we would recognize as politics, so you're talking about late seventeenth, early eighteenth century, I mean, shot through with arguments about sort of culture war kind of issues.
举个例子,我知道你读过我几周前为《Unheard》撰写的那篇关于塞谢瓦里尔案的文章。
I mean, the example I know you've read this piece that I wrote a few weeks ago for Unheard about the Sechevaril case.
那里讲的是一位牧师。
So, there you've got a preacher.
在1710年的大选中,这成了最重大的议题:一位牧师谴责了辉格党人和非国教徒,而托利党人抓住这一点大做文章,将其放大为一场全国性的政治风波,就像现在人们常说的‘典型的托利党人捏造文化战争’之类的话。
That's the single biggest issue in the general election of seventeen ten, and it's a preacher who has condemned the Whigs and condemned dissenters, and the Tories pick it up and they run with it and they amplify it into a sort of major national political issue in a way that people now would say, oh, typical Tories confecting a culture war or all this sort of stuff.
但事实上,早在十七、十八世纪,人们就已经在这么做了。
I mean, that people are doing it right back then in the seventeenth, sort of eighteenth centuries.
所以对我来说,文化战争与党派议会政治在某种程度上一直相伴相生。
So to me, culture wars and sort of, you know, partisan parliamentary politics have always gone hand in hand to some extent.
我并不反对这个观点。
I I I don't disagree.
而且我确实读过,你知道的,我读了你的文章,觉得特别棒。
And and I've I've read, you know, you know, I read your essay and thought it was fantastic.
还有很多人没读过。
And There's people who haven't read it.
那篇文章并不是在播客上发布的。
It's not podcast right there.
它几周前刊登在《Unheard》上,对吧?
It was in Unheard a couple of weeks ago, wasn't it?
我的意思是,我觉得这篇文章特别棒,真的让我深入思考了这个问题。
I mean, I thought and I thought it was fantastic, and it kinda ridden really made me think about this.
我觉得,比如内战后护国公时期,各种相互竞争的宗教派别彼此争论,这种分歧、冲突、紧张和文化争论,
So and what I think about that is that I would say that say that the disagreements, the conflicts, the tensions, the cultural arguments, say, in the period of the protectorate after the civil war, where you have all these kind of rival religious denominations all debating with each other.
我不认为那是文化战争,因为我觉得那些争论仍然是以明确的基督教话语进行的。
I would not see that as being a culture war because I think that's still being conducted in in in overtly Christian terms.
但像威格里那样的东西,那种后来演变出来的东西。
But something like wiggory that that, like, evolved back.
进步。
Progress.
所以是威戈里,是的。
So wiggory Yeah.
这是一种世俗的进步观,而这正与托利派对英国国教的理念发生激烈冲突,后者认为这完全是不可接受的。
It's it's a kind of secular idea of progress, and that is absolutely coming up against the kind of Tory idea of the Church of England that it should be you know, that that this this is anathema.
所以,我完全同意,我认为这确实是现代文化战争的前身。
So I I I do completely agree that I think that that is kind of you know, that's the precursor to the modern culture war.
因为威戈里体现的是一种明显具有神学色彩的概念,它只能也确实源于17世纪国教与非国教派之间的争论。
Because with wiggory, you're getting the idea of of it's clearly a massively theological concept that could only have and it clearly does emerge from from the the the argument between established church and dissenters in the seventeenth century.
但它逐渐失去了这种根基。
But it loses slips that mooring.
所以,我认为这种18世纪的争论,我完全认可其合理性。
So I think that that kind of eighteenth century argument is I completely accept the validity of that.
那么,你认为这些现象背后是否存在某种性格上的倾向,我们所有人都是
And what what do you think about whether there's a sort of temperamental, as it were, impulse behind these things that we are we are all
有点儿,你知道的,
Little You know,
戈贝尔和沙利文认为自由主义者都有一点,我们生来就有一点自由主义,有一点保守主义。
Gobel and Sullivan had this gave liberals a little we were all born little liberals a little conservatives.
我的意思是,我们生来就是文化战争的参与者。
I mean, we're all born culture warriors.
你不会觉得某种程度上是这样吗?
Do not think to an extent?
即使你没有深入思考过这些问题,也不熟悉历史或神学,人们对于这些事情仍有一种本能的、强烈的反应。
We all have an instinctive, even if you haven't thought about the issues or you're not steeped in the history or the theology or whatever, people have a very instinctive, visceral reaction to these things.
他们是重视传统和保守、认同事物历来如此的人,还是希望站在进步的一边?
Are they somebody who values tradition and conservatism and how things have always been done, or do they want to see themselves on the side of progress?
他们是否害怕自己站在历史的错误一边,诸如此类的事情。
And are they horrified at the thought of being on the wrong side of history and all that stuff.
我的意思是,这些特质相当根深蒂固,不是吗?你觉得呢?
I mean, those things are quite they're they're they're quite innate, aren't they, don't you think?
是的。
Yes.
但我想,听到我说这个,你不会感到惊讶。
But I think that it won't surprise you to hear me say this.
我确实认为基督教彻底改变了辩论的框架,因为在古代,基本上每个人都是保守派。
I I do think that Christianity radically alters the terms of the debate because back in ancient times, basically, everyone was a conservative.
所以,即使他们想改变事物,当然,他们经常这么做。
So even if they wanted to change things, and often, of course, they did.
我的意思是,变化是一个持续的过程,但他们总是以自己是在回归传统做法来为这种改变辩护。
Mean, know, it's constant process of change, but they would always justify it by saying that they were going back to the way that things were always done.
比如雅典人,当雅典民主制建立起来时,这个极其激进的实验,他们却说,我们只是在回归忒修斯时代的做法。
So the Athenian you know, when the Athenian democracy gets set up, this incredibly radical experiment, they say, well, we're just going back to do what what Theseus set up.
还有奥古斯都,你知道,他把自己的专制统治建立在共和国的废墟之上,却说,我只是回归根本。
And and and and Augustus, he, you know, he he he plants his autocracy on the rubble of the republic, he says, well, I'm, you know, back to basics.
我是在恢复共和国。
I'm I'm restoring the republic.
我正在恢复事物原本的样子。
I'm restoring the way that things always were.
我认为,基督教带来的变化,以及如今在我们社会中真正显现的是,改变本身竟然成了一种美德。
And I think that that what changes with Christianity and what and and what is really manifest in our society now is the idea that actually change for its own sake becomes a good.
存在一种进步的轨迹,你要么站在这一进步轨迹的一边,要么不是。
That there is such a thing as an arc of progress and that you're either with that arc of progress or you're not.
所以我同意,你要么热衷于改变,享受它带来的刺激感,要么本能地回避它,只希望一切能保持原样。
So I agree that there is a kind of have a kind of you relish change and you enjoy the excitement that it represents, or you have a kind of instinctive shrinking from it and you just wish that things could stay as they were.
我同意这属于性格使然,但我认为,基督教带来的变化是,这种差异随后演变成了一种更深刻的理念分歧。
And I agree that's a temperamental thing, but I think that that what changes with with Christianity is that that then becomes much more kind of ideological divide.
我认为,我们现在正生活在这种分歧的余波之中。
And I think that that we live in the kind of aftermath of that now.
我也觉得我们可能已经聊得够久了,该休息一下了。
I also think that we've possibly talked about this long enough and that we need a break.
你
What do
你觉得呢?
you think?
我刚才也在想这一点。
I was just thinking that.
我正在想该怎么让我们休息一下。
I was thinking about how I was gonna get us into the break.
汤姆,我觉得你得武装起来,磨利你的武器,广告结束后,战斗将继续。
Tom, I think you need to tool up, sharpen your weapons, and the battle will resume after this after a word from our sponsors.
欢迎回到《历史其余部分》,欢迎回到文化战争,汤姆·荷兰和我此刻正在其中交锋。
Welcome back to The Rest is History, and welcome back to the culture wars, which Tom Holland and I are engaged in right now.
汤姆,美国。
Tom, America.
美国,我们已经做过一整期关于美国化的节目了,所以没必要再重复了。
America, we've had a whole podcast about Americanization, so we don't need to do that again.
但美国显然在文化战争中扮演着至关重要的角色。
But America clearly plays a huge part in the culture wars.
现在,我来陈述我的观点,然后你可以反驳它。
Now, I'll tell you my thesis, then you can reject it.
我认为,当定居者、清教徒等人前往美洲时,他们把文化战争也带了过去,如今你在美洲看到的所有争论,都源自17、18世纪英国、英格兰和苏格兰的争论,而如今美国又把这些争论反向输出给了我们。
I I think basically, when the settlers the Puritans and stuff went to America, they took the culture wars with them, and that all the arguments you see in America are descended from seventeenth, eighteenth century British, English and Scottish arguments, and that what's happened is that America has now re exported those back to us.
所以我们觉得这些是美国的现象,但实际上它们最终源于辉格党与托利党、旧事业、内战时期的那种争论。
So, we see them as American, but actually they are ultimately of Whig Tory, good old cause, Civil War era kinds of arguments.
而这些文化战争在美国如此激烈,是因为美国的宗教性远比英国更强。
And they've survived in America in such a sort of intense form because America is much more religious than The UK is.
因此,在我看来,美国文化战争的激烈程度,本质上是深受宗教驱动的。
So the intensity of their culture wars, it seems to me, is a very religiously inspired thing.
你认同这个观点吗?
Do you buy that?
完全认同。
Completely.
是的。
Yes.
我就知道你会这么说。
I knew you would.
我可以。
I could
当然。
of course.
完全同意。
Completely.
而且我觉得,我们在《美国化》播客里讨论过这一点。
And I think that, you know, we talked about that in the Americanization podcast.
我们之所以那么容易被美国文化战士的‘打喷嚏’感染,原因之一就是,本质上我们对它没有天然免疫力,因为它本来就是我们传出去的。
That's one of the reasons why we're so susceptible to catching colds when American culture warriors sneeze is that, basically, we we have no natural immunity to it because because it came from us.
所以我认为,但同样地,让美国的文化战争特别具有传染性的,正如你所说,是因为美国社会比英国长期以来都要更加虔诚地信仰基督教。
So I think but, again, I I think that that what has made culture wars in America particularly virulent is, as you say, that it it it they are it is a much more committedly Christian society than than Britain's been for a fair while.
我认为,六七十年代发生的是,这种宗教文化发生了极其深刻的变化,这种变化实际上类似于十六、十七世纪的情形。
And I think that what happens in the sixties and seventies is that that religious culture mutates in a very, very profound way, in a way that is kind of analogous to the fifteen twenties, really.
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我的意思是,这种基督教思想层面的变革,其规模堪比宗教改革的开端。
I mean, it's a a change in the fabric of Christian thought on that scale, beginnings of the Reformation.
因为在五十年代和六十年代,你看到的是民权运动,这是一个深深植根于基督教的运动,由马丁·路德·金牧师领导。
Because what you what you get in in the fifties and sixties is the civil rights movement, which is a deeply, deeply Christian movement, the reverend Martin Luther King.
马丁·路德·金牧师。
The reverend Martin Luther King.
是的。
Yeah.
他的语言完全浸透着圣经叙事。
And his language is absolutely steeped in biblical narratives.
比如出埃及记的语言,上帝带领奴隶走出埃及,站在受压迫者一边,而非站在法老一边。
So the language of Exodus, the idea that that god leads slaves out of Egypt, that he's on the side of those who are oppressed rather than on the side of pharaoh.
而且,他不断援引基督——那个像奴隶一样死去的人。
And, of course, he's invoking Christ, the guy who dies the death of a slave all the time.
本质上,正是这一点赋予了民权运动动力,因为他不断提醒白人基督徒:在基督里,既无犹太人,也无希腊人,也就没有黑人或白人。
And, essentially, that's what gives the civil rights movement its traction is that he is able to to remind white American Christians that if there is no Jew or Greek, then there is no black or white in Christ.
而白人基督徒基本上,在一定限度内,接受了这一论点的正义性。
And and white Christians accept, essentially, you know, within limits, the justice of that argument.
这为其他来自边缘化群体、感到自己遭受多数人压迫的人树立了一个榜样。
And and that establishes a template for other people who come from sidelined communities, people who feel that they've been suffering oppression from majority rule, to do the same.
因此,同性恋权利就是这样一个例子。
So gay rights would be an example of that.
我想女权主义也是这样一个例子,两者都从民权运动和种族正义运动中获得了巨大的支持。
I guess even feminism would be an example of that, both of which which gain enormous kind of sustenance from the example of of the civil rights movement and the campaign for racial justice.
但对虔诚的基督徒来说,问题在于,女权主义,尤其是同性恋权利,其论点和言辞与传统的基督教理解及圣经训诫产生了冲突,而种族正义运动却没有这样。
But the the problem, I guess, for for for for practicing Christians with feminism and even more with gay rights is that that the the arguments and the, certainly, the rhetoric rub up against the traditional Christian understanding and kind of scriptural dictates in a way that the campaign for racial justice hadn't.
因此,在七十年代,文化战争迫使人们不得不选边站队。
And so what you get over the course of the seventies is that, you know, in culture wars, it it forces people to take sides.
于是,虔诚的基督徒越来越倾向于认同保守派,认为自己正受到非基督徒的攻击。
And so people who are practicing Christians increasingly come to identify as conservatives, people who are who are under attack from people who are not Christian.
而进步派也同样越来越将基督教视为一种压抑、消极、保守、僵化且具有压迫性的力量,认为它必须被抛弃。
And progressives, likewise, increasingly come to identify Christianity as being something repressive, negative, something that has to conservative, fossilized, something that has to oppressive, something that has to be jettisoned.
因此,这些就是如今仍然横贯美国的战斗阵线,人们会说:我是基督徒。
And so, essentially, those are the kind of the battle lines that that, you know, the trenches still run across America to this day, where you have people who say, I'm Christian.
我讨厌自由派。
I hate progressives.
你也有自由派说:我是自由派。
You have progressives who say, I'm a progressive.
我讨厌基督徒。
I hate Christians.
但基本上,双方都在阐述源自同一片基督教思想沃土的论点。
But, basically, both sides are articulating arguments drawn from the same kind of great seedbed of Christian thought.
所以我认为,这并不是基督徒与自由派之间的战争。
So I think, you know, it's it's not a Christian against progressive war.
这是一场基督徒的内战。
It's it's it's a Christian civil war.
但在我看来,它之所以成为文化战争,是因为只有其中一方意识到这一点。
But what makes it a culture war in my light is that is that only one side recognizes that.
你读过詹姆斯·戴维森·亨特的这本书吗?
Have you read this book by James Davison Hunter?
这本书首次确立了‘文化战争’这一术语,于1991年出版,作者是美国社会学家。
So this is the book that that enshrines the term culture wars, published in 1991, American Sociologist.
他基本上认为,这是正统派与进步派之间的冲突。
Now what he basically says is it's the clash between the orthodox and the progressive.
他说,你不必是基督徒才能站在正统派一边。
He said so he says, you don't have to be a Christian to be on the orthodox side.
你只需要相信传统即可。
You can you just believe in tradition.
你相信核心家庭。
You believe in the nuclear family.
你相信你的国家、军队以及这类事物,而另一边则是进步派。
You believe in, you know, your country and the military and all these kinds of things, and then there's the progressives.
他说,政治越来越在这两条战线上展开,这一点非常明显。
And he said that the, you know, it's very hard to find that politics is increasingly being fought on out on those lines.
然后,显然现在人们谈论得很多。
And then, obviously, now people I mean, people talk a lot.
因此,英国的政治学家们经常讨论保守党如何从曾经的撒切尔主义政党、人们所说的新自由主义政党,转变为一个更公开地以文化为基础、文化保守主义立场的政党。
So political scientists in Britain talk a lot about how the conservatives, for example, have moved from being of the Thatcherite party, the party of neoliberalism as people call it, to being one that fights on more overtly cultural grounds, cultural Conservative grounds.
有些人将此视为一种全新的现象,但在我看来,政治历来都是在这条线上展开的。
And people sometimes talk about that as though this is this tremendous new thing, but it seems to me that politics has always been fought out on them.
一直以来都存在着正统派与进步派的对立,尤其是在美国政治中。
There's always been the orthodox progressive, particularly in America, in American politics.
我认为这种张力一直存在。
I think that that tension has kind of always been there.
这种对立只是从二战结束以来才出现的。
It's only been there since the end of the second world war.
这一点毫无疑问。
No doubts about that.
是的。
Yeah.
而且我认为从六十年代开始加剧了。
And I think escalating since the sixties.
我认为六十年代是一个非常关键的十年。
I think so I think the sixties is a really crucial decade.
但我认为你文章中精彩的地方——我也觉得完全正确——是文化战争议题有点像政治中的人物性格。
But I thought also what was brilliant in your essay, which I I also think is completely true, is that the culture war issues are a bit like personalities in politics.
政客们总是说人们其实并不关心这种无谓的争端。
That politicians are always saying people aren't really interested in this kind of nonsense.
人们只想谈论通货膨胀率之类的。
People just want to talk about, you know, the inflation rate
或者对。
or Yeah.
国民医疗服务体系的拨款之类的。
NHS funding or something.
但很明显,文化战争之所以燃起熊熊烈火,是因为对很多人来说,这非常有趣。
But it's it's it's it's evident that culture wars kind of blaze into fire because for lots of people, they're enormous fun.
嗯,我的确对这个问题有非常强烈的观点。
Well, you have I mean, you know I have very strong views about this.
所以,我……
So I
有强烈观点,罗伯特。
think strong views, Robert.
那些对……感兴趣的人
People people who are interested
在多元……
in poly
我认为,对政治感兴趣的人其中一个非凡之处在于,他们往往并不真正理解。
I think I think one of the extraordinary things about people who are interested in politics is often they don't really understand.
他们对政治非常感兴趣,但这反而让他们成为评判政治和政治运作方式的糟糕判断者,因为他们对此感兴趣。
They're very interested in politics, but that makes them very bad judges of politics and how politics works because they're interested in it.
所以,因为他们对政治极度感兴趣,就以为其他人也和他们一样关心同样的事情。
So they because they're super interested in politics, they think that everybody else is interested in the same things that they are.
这就像一个人对某项运动及其统计数据极为着迷,却难以理解别人为何对此感兴趣。
It's rather like somebody who's incredibly interested in a particular sport and in the statistics of it, understanding what other people see in it.
他们往往并不理解。
Often they don't.
我认为,在政治上,那些政治狂热者和所谓的《卫报》专栏作家认为是人为制造的关于旗帜和雕像的争论,普通民众其实并不在意——我知道我听起来像是在写自以为是的专栏。
And I think with politics, these arguments that sort of political obsessives and kind of guardian columnists think are contrived and confected about flags and statues, you will ordinary people as it were ordinary people, I know I sound like I'm I'm getting into my my column writing of vain.
但说到底,那些对政治不太感兴趣的人,反而觉得像通胀之类的话题要有趣得多。
But sort of as it were, ordinary people, people who are not very interested in politics, find those in much more interesting subjects than exactly that.
一些关于通胀之类的深奥讨论。
Some some arcane discussion about inflation or something.
这些话题极具情感冲击力,非常有力,而且一直如此。
They are they are they are very emotive, very powerful subjects, and always have been.
但反过来也一样,对吧?
But and that's true the other way around, isn't it?
左翼的人同样对这些话题着迷,就像右翼的人一样。
That people on the left likewise are equally as obsessed by these topics as people on the right.
是的。
Yes.
我觉得这可能是对的。
I think that's probably true.
对左派来说,这些话题更具情感冲击力,不是吗?
They're more emotive to people on the left, aren't they?
但左右之争还引出了另一个有趣的维度,这与你提到的神学观点并不完全契合,那就是如今英国文化战争中的一个重要议题——英国性与爱国主义。
But that left right issue raises another interesting dimension, which I don't think quite fits with your theology thing, which is a big element of the culture wars right now in Britain are about Britishness and about patriotism.
所以奥威尔会认出这一切,因为奥威尔在二十世纪四十年代就说过,你知道的,他嘲笑奥威尔——当然,奥威尔是位伟人。
So Orwell would have recognized all this, because Orwell, in the nineteen forties, he says, you know, he mocks Orwell Orwell is the great man, of course.
他是每一位保守派专栏作家最爱引用的对象,因为他虽然属于左派,却最喜欢嘲讽其他左翼人士。
He's he's every conservative columnist's go to for kind of quotations, because he's kind of on the left, but he loves nothing better than basically mocking other lefties.
他曾说,英国的知识分子,他们的烹饪来自巴黎,他们的观点来自莫斯科。
And he sort of says, you know, the British intelligentsia, they get their cooking from Paris and their opinions from Moscow.
他们宁愿去偷穷人募捐箱里的钱,也不愿站起身来唱《天佑国王》之类的东西。
They would rather be seen stealing from a poor box than standing to sing god save the king and all this sort of thing.
还有一种奇特的民族自我厌恶元素。
And there's this interesting element of kind of peculiarly national self loathing.
我觉得美国也有点这种倾向,但英国人,我认为是世界领先的——如果我们在某件事上领先世界的话,那就是对自己的罪过进行自我夸耀。
You do get that a bit, I think, in America, but, you know, the British, I think, lead the world I mean, if we do lead the world on one thing, it is self adulation about our sins.
我不禁想,这与约克有什么关系?因为我觉得,英国身份的核心一直存在一种非常有趣而奇特的现象,那就是我们 uniquely 有罪。
And I wonder how that fits into York, because I think that's there's a really interesting and strange thing at the heart of of Britishness that has that has always been there to some extent, which is a kind of we are uniquely sinful.
英国自身的事业
The British project itself
你说得对。
There you go.
我的意思是,你知道,
I mean, you know,
‘有罪’这个词立刻就出现了。
there's a the word sinful immediately.
但既然这是基督教的,为什么其他基督教国家没有这种现象呢?
But then but then, you see, if it's Christian, why don't other Christian countries have it?
因为法国人我认为并没有达到同样的程度。
Well, because The French, I don't think, have it to the same extent.
你知道,荷兰人对自己的帝国非常自豪。
You know, the Dutch are very proud of their empire.
为什么其他民族没有像英国知识分子那样强烈的自我谴责本能呢?
All those kinds of why don't other people have the same self flagellating instinct that, let's say, the British intelligentsia have?
我认为每个国家对基督教的诠释方式都不尽相同。
Well, think I think that I mean, every every country tends to be Christian in a different way.
好吧。
And Okay.
所以这是一种不同的传承。
So there's a kind of different inheritance.
我认为在英国,正因为它是全球性强国,且其与更广阔世界的关系对英国人自身,也对那些曾被英国人到来所深刻影响的人们,都具有塑造性。
And I think that in Britain, precisely because it's been such a global power and because its relationship with the broader world has been so formative both for the British themselves, but also for people who have had the British turn up and been formative on them.
基督教内部存在的张力——即对民族性的怀疑与对普世性的接纳——以一种独特的方式表现出来。
The the kind of tension that exists within Christianity, the the the suspicion of of the specifically national and the embrace of the universal manifests itself in a distinctive way.
所以,如果你回望胜利祭坛,本质上论点是存在一种普世的基督教身份,这才是答案,而罗马军国主义和帝国主义的遗产不仅限于罗马人自身,因此不具备普世意义,而且它们本身是邪恶且有害的。
So if you if you think you you look back to the altar of victory, essentially, the argument is that there is a universal Christian identity, that this is this is the answer, and that the legacies of of kind of Roman militarism and imperialism are are not it's not just that they're specific to the Romans and therefore not of universal import, but also that they're malign and malevolent.
这一直是基督教内部一种根深蒂固的倾向。
And and that's always been a a a deep strain within within Christianity.
我的意思是,'大公'这个词本身就意味着普世。
I mean, it's what Catholic means, universal.
但显然,人类有一种强烈的冲动,希望认同地方性而非普世性。
But, obviously, I I I think that there is a kind of huge human impulse to identify with the local over the universal at the same time.
因此,英国的许多争论都围绕着这个问题展开。
And I I think a huge amount of the argument in in in Britain, therefore, revolves around that issue.
你应当更强调普世性还是地方性?
Should you emphasize the the universal over the local?
嗯,这是世界公民与……抱歉。
And Well, it's the citizens of the world versus sorry.
是地方公民与无根之人的区别,不是吗?
The the the citizens of somewhere versus the citizens of nowhere, isn't it?
我的意思是,这来自特蕾莎·梅的演讲。
I mean, that's the from the Theresa May speech.
是的。
Yes.
我的意思是,因为那场演讲很有趣,这或许是我们之间的差异所在。
I mean because that was an interesting one because now this is maybe the difference between us.
当我听到那场演讲时,我是世界上唯一会承认这一点的人。
When I heard that speech I mean, I'm the only person in the world who would admit to this.
突然间,我是世界上唯一做历史播客的人。
Suddenly, the only person does a history podcast.
我想,对。
I thought, yes.
太好了。
Great.
我完全同意这一点。
I completely agree with that.
那种世界公民。
That sort of citizens of the world.
但当然,大多数身为历史学家、属于文学界的人,都把自己视为世界公民。
But, of course, most people who are, you you know, historians who are kind of part of the literary world do see themselves as citizens of the world.
他们不认为本地是狭隘的,或者像我不断阅读的那样,是排外的或民族主义的。
They don't there's a there's a they see the local as parochial or as Well well well I'm constantly reading, as xenophobic or as, you know, as as nationalistic.
但我要回到你那篇关于这一切根源的精彩文章,谈到18世纪早期政治中的辉格党,他们为了标榜自己的进步身份,轻视像你这样的托利党爱国者,多米尼克,还有那些吃烤牛肉的人。
But I mean, to go back to to to your your your fantastic article about the the roots of all this in kind of early eighteenth century politics, the Whigs, as a marker of their their kind of progressive identity, kind of scorn Tory roast beef eating patriots like yourself, Dominic.
还有约翰逊博士。
And doctor Johnson.
嗯,某种程度上是这样。
Well, yes, to to to to a degree.
他们认同法国的理想。
And they identify with kind of French ideals.
因此,贯穿整个拿破仑战争时期,你都有像荷兰之家这样恰如其名的地方。
So, I mean, all the way through the Napoleonic Wars, you've got, you know, the Holland House, aptly named.
是的
Yeah.
它们的名字都恰如其分。
They're all Aptly named.
对。
Yes.
霍兰勋爵等等。
Lord Lord Holland and and and so on.
他们全都,你知道的,拜伦写诗哀悼拿破仑的倒台等等。
They're all kind of you know, Byron is writing poems lamenting the fall of Napoleon and and so on.
有一种认同感
There's a kind of identification
运动,是的。
campaign and Yeah.
那种英国旅游并非只是狭隘,而是某种意义上,你知道的,堕落的、排外的。
The the a sense that that kind of British tourism is is not just parochial, but but kind of, you know, turpitudinous that it's xenophobic.
因此,要真正地道德,你就必须认同英国本土之外的国家和文化的理想。
That that and and therefore, to be properly moral, you have to identify with with the ideals of and and the cultures of of places beyond the shores of of Britain.
我认为这一直是一个巨大的趋势,尤其吸引着知识分子、作家和诗人。
And I think that's that's always been a huge trend, and it's always particularly appealed to intellectuals and writers and poets.
所以雪莱和拜伦,这正是他们所表达的。
So Shelley and Byron are you know, this is absolutely what they are articulating.
我想,今天也没有什么不同,总的来说,这就是所谓的都市自由派精英。
And I guess that that today is no different, that by and large, that's, you know I mean, that's the metropolitan liberal elites.
确实是。
It is.
我记得我,汤姆,我记得。
I remember I Tom, I remember
在摄政时期,荷兰之家人满为患,充满了各种人物。
the Holland House is in the nine Holland House is heaving with, you know, in the the in the regency period.
那里挤满了都市自由派精英,相当于现在的
It's heaving with metropolitan liberal elites, the equivalent of
我正要说,记得上世纪九十年代我在牛津,第一次听到英国队踢世界杯预选赛之类的足球比赛时,
I was about to say, remember I remember being at Oxford in the nineteen nineties and hearing for the first time so England were playing a World Cup qualifier or something football.
第一次听到其他学生说:你怎么能支持英格兰?
And hearing for the first time other students saying, how can you support England?
你知道吗?
You know?
支持任何队都行,就是别支持英格兰。
Anyone but England.
支持你自己的国家。
Support your own your own country.
我当时完全震惊了,因为这是我第一次遇到这种情况,我从小在世界的中心长大,你知道的。
And I was utterly dumbfounded, because it was the first time I'd encountered this, having sort of grown up in, you in the heart of world, as you know.
是的。
Yeah.
在我的霍比特人世界里。
In my hobbit world.
夏尔。
Shire.
后端。
And back end.
而且,是的,周围都是纳尔逊和
And, yeah, surrounded by the ghosts of Nelson and
托比·琼斯。
Toby Jones.
没错,就是这样。
And and exactly.
所以我无法相信,竟然会有明显是英国人的人不支持自己的国家队,他们说这不仅仅是‘谁都可以,就是不能是英格兰’的问题。
So I couldn't believe that there would be people who were clearly English who who would not support their own, and they said it it wasn't just the anyone butting them thing.
他们甚至根本不认同支持国家队这一原则,不管你来自哪里。
It was also they didn't agree with the principle of supporting your national team at all, no matter who you were.
就算你是布基纳法索,他们也不认同支持的态度。
If you were Burkina Faso, they wouldn't agree with supporting Yeah.
你们自己的球队,因为他们觉得那样做是
Your own team because they thought that was
但既然如此,他们为什么还要看足球呢?
But why were they in which case, why were they watching football?
我的意思是,他们看足球的初衷不就是
I mean, isn't the whole point of what They were
试图好吧。
trying to Okay.
他们试图劝阻其他人不要
They were trying to dissuade other people from
看比赛。
watching it.
他们只是觉得踢足球或者谈论足球的本质就是部落主义,难道不是吗?我们从整个超级联赛的争论中就看到了这一点。
They just thought the idea was to go football or say about football is that it's tribal, don't I mean, we we saw that with the whole Yeah.
超级联赛争论的核心,也就是我认为非常有趣的地方,以及为什么大家如此迅速地达成共识,就是足球俱乐部应该是本地的。
Debate over the Super League is is that the essence, you know, the essence of the argument, which I thought was really interesting and how rapidly everybody agreed with it, was that football clubs should be local.
你说得对。
And you're right.
你知道,这些俱乐部不应该是全球支持者的财产,它们真正应该根植于当地社区。
You're you're know, these they they shouldn't be the the property of of kind of global supporters, that really it's rooted in the in the in in in the local communities.
突然间,每个人都变得有点像十八世纪的托利党人,你知道的。
And suddenly, everyone was becoming kind of Tory, you know, in the in the eighteenth
世纪意义上的。
century sense.
我觉得挺有意思的是,有些人声音最终完全被淹没了,尤其是在美国。
I I think what's quite interesting is that there were some people, their voices were completely drowned out in the end, but particularly in America.
比如一些《纽约客》的作家之类的人,他们关注足球,是因为在美国,足球被认为比支持美式橄榄球或棒球更进步一些。
There were people, for example, who who are New Yorker writers and things, who are interested in soccer because it's, you know, it's seen in America as as actually a bit more progressive than supporting American football or baseball.
他们喜欢超级联赛的理念,而且他们确实是挺进步的人。
And and they were they liked the idea of the Super League, and they're kind of quite woke people.
而正是这个原因,因为他们觉得把俱乐部从社区中剥离、变成全国性乃至全球性事物的想法
And it's precisely that reason, because it's they thought the idea of of the clubs being lifted from the communities and becoming national global things
我的意思是,
Well, I mean,
这体现了那种普遍主义的一部分。
it shows is part of that universalism.
但这也表明他们喜欢这样。
But also it shows They like that.
但这也表明每个人内心都有一点保守倾向,不是吗?
But also it shows that there is a kind of little conservative within within everyone that if Well, isn't it?
它表明了
It says
你想要保守。
that you want to conservative.
有些东西,当它们受到威胁时,突然间我们就得去捍卫它。
Certain things that when they get threatened, suddenly, oh, we've got to defend this.
我们不能让
We can't have
这个。
this.
没错。
Exactly.
所以没错。
So Exactly.
那我们来快速问一下亚历克斯·西普霍斯特的问题。
Let's have a quick question then from Alex Schiphorst.
所以他问到了代际问题。
So he asks about generational.
他问文化战争在多大程度上是代际的。
He's he asks how much culture wars are generational.
实际上,你在超级联赛中看到了这一点,这很好地关联了这一点,因为超级联赛本是为了更年轻的球迷而设立的,他们不太可能那么部落化或地方化。
Now you saw that actually with the Super League is a nice link to that because the Super League was supposedly set up for younger supporters who are more likely to be to be not so to be not so tribal and not so local.
而且也无法与九十分钟的比赛竞争。
Also, not to be able to compete with ninety minute games.
嗯,是的。
Well, yes.
这显然是一个板球事实。
Which obviously is a cricket fact.
我曾经是个板球迷。
I was a cricket fan.
我对此非常担忧。
I was very worried about that.
是的。
Yes.
对。
Yeah.
当然了。
Well, of course.
但当然,那个声称弗洛伦蒂诺·佩雷斯大约138岁的人,我肯定他非常了解年轻人的脉搏。
So but, of course, the man who was claiming that Florentino Perez is about 138, so I'm sure he knows the the the he's got his finger on the pulse of youth.
总之,亚历克斯·希波说他在思考1968年法国的抗议活动,这些抗议活动在我看来确实带有反对戴高乐的文化战争元素。
Anyway, Alex Shippor says he's thinking about the nineteen sixty eight protests in France, which do have, I think, a culture war element in the protests against de Gaulle.
他说他在思考嬉皮士,也在思考如今关于LGBTQ权利、素食主义等的争论。
And he says he's thinking about hippies, and he's thinking about arguments today about LGBTQ rights, veganism, etcetera, etcetera.
所以你觉得这存在代际
So do you think there's a generational
我觉得是的。
I do.
怎么,是啊。
How how yeah.
我完全同意,但文化战争是正常的吗?
I I completely But and is and is that normal, though, a culture war?
我觉得是的。
I think so.
对。
Right.
所以,你得到的通常是,一个非常进步、极度虔诚的基督教年轻一代,和一个更年长、基督教信仰较弱、更正统、更保守的世代。
So what you get, I guess, is the standard is you get a a very progressive, ultra what you would say, ultra Christian younger generation, and an older, less Christian, more orthodox, more more conservative one.
对吗?
Is that right?
你总是这样看待这种动态吗?
That's how you see the dynamic always working?
我认为,自十二世纪以来,这种想要净化整个基督教世界、乃至整个世界的净化冲动,这种改善每个人的使命,一直存在。
I think the dynamic has always been since the twelfth century that that these kind of impulses to purify the whole of of of Christendom, the world, to this kind of mission to improve everybody.
当然,最初这些都明确地以基督教的术语表达。
Initially, of course, absolutely couched in overtly Christian terms.
在十二世纪,这导致了大学的建立。
In the twelfth century, this leads to the setting up of of universities.
大学基本上是为了培养能够提供道德和法律框架的人才而设立的,这些框架如今依然发挥作用。
Universities are basically founded to train people who can provide the kind of moral and legal frameworks that can then does now.
是的。
Yeah.
文化战争中的伊斯兰神学院。
The madrasas of the culture war.
于是,年轻人去那里学习,然后出去当牧师、神职人员之类的,却遇到别人问:‘你到底在说什么?’
And so what what then happens is that you get young people going there studying, then going out to to work as priests or clerics or whatever, and coming up against people who going, what the hell are you talking about?
我的意思是,这本质上就是阿尔伯塔十字军东征。
Mean, I that's essentially what the Albertansian Crusade is.
阿尔伯塔十字军东征针对的是被遗忘的人、可鄙之人,那些跟不上时代的人。
The Albertansian Crusade is a targeting of the left behind, of deplorables, of people who are not up to speed
天哪。
Oh my god.
跟
With with
所以这其实就是反种族主义
So this is the sort of anti racism
是的。
Yes.
某种程度上是在培训人们,是的。
Sort of training people Yes.
属于中世纪时期的。
Of the of the medieval period.
是的。
Yes.
阿尔伯塔十字军是一种非常、非常残酷的运动,就像学生回来后,以一种极其激进的方式,对父亲使用错误的词语而大喊大叫。
The Albertansian Crusade is a kind of very, very brutal you know, it's it's like the the student coming back and and and shouting at the father for using the wrong words on a kind of very, very militant scale.
从某种意义上说,新教改革和法国大革命是相同的。
There's a sense in which the Protestant Reformation is the same in the French Revolution.
我认为你看到的完全是一样的,问题就出在大学里。
I And think that you see exactly the same, that it it's it's in the it's the universities.
大学的作用一直是以一种激进新颖的方式教育和传播进步的正统观念。
The role of the universities has always been to kind of educate and articulate progressive orthodoxies in a kind of radical new way.
不可避免的是,大学培养了教师,这些教师走向学校,教导年轻人,然后经过教育体系,最终自己也成为教师。
And inevitably, because it's it's in the universities that train the teachers, who go out into the schools, who then teach the young, who then go through the the educational system, who then become the teachers themselves.
因此,这种观念会不断向外扩散。
And so it percolates outwards and outwards.
所以每一代人都会发现,我的意思是,我以前觉得自己是进步的。
That was And so every generation, you will find I mean, I, you know, I used to think of myself as progressive.
但现在我有了孩子,我知道我其实是
But now that I've got children, I know I'm
并不那么进步。
not really progressive.
抱歉。
Sorry.
我不该笑的。
I shouldn't laugh.
我知道。
I know.
我知道。
I know.
我知道。
I know.
我我但但也许也因为随着年龄增长,你会把年轻时认为正常的事情视为理所当然,因此你不希望它们改变。
I I but but also perhaps it's also because as you get older, you you you you regard as normal things that that you had in your youth, and therefore, you you don't want them to change.
我认为这是我的第二部分。
I think that's my second part of it.
我不想在播客上让你难堪,但我觉得你是第一个我认识的人,在伊拉克战争刚结束或差不多那时候,你跟我说你很喜欢托尼·布莱尔,因为他让英国显得强大。
I don't wanna incriminate you on the podcast, but I think you were one of the first people I'd ever met who said to me it was just after the Iraq war or thereabouts, and you said, you really liked Tony Blair because he made Britain look strong.
嗯,他让英国看起来——他让英国看起来——我觉得他让英国在一种骑自行车般的氛围中显得不错。
Well, he made he made Britain look he made he made Britain I thought he made Britain look good in a a kind of bicycle riding
那不是他
That's not what he
当时说的。
said at time.
你用了‘强大’这个词。
You used the word you used the word strong.
这是我在这个文学圈里遇到的第一个对政治领导人使用‘强大’这个词表示赞赏的人。
That's that's it's the first person I'd met in this sort of literary world who used the word strong approvingly of a of a political leader.
但有一种肌肉般的气质。
A there's But a kind of muscular quality.
它有一种肌肉般的气质。
There's a muscular quality to it.
是的。
Yeah.
不。
No.
不。
No.
哪种肌肉基督教?
Which muscular Christianity.
还有一种
And a kind
一种自我确信和目标感,我必须说,我至今仍对此略感怀念。
of a kind of self assurance and a sense of purpose, which I I must say I still slightly wistful for.
好吧,既然我现在把你拉黑了,我想问问你关于
Well, now now that now that I've got you canceled, I wanted to you asked about
嗯,多莉,我从未隐瞒过我对
Well, Dori, I've never I've never concealed my my admiration for
不。
No.
你没有。
You haven't.
公平地说,你确实没有。
You haven't, to be fair.
在我们的总理世界杯上,你还对他大加赞赏。
You were waxing lyrical about him in our prime ministerial World Cup.
你刚才谈到大学,我觉得这是个非常好的观点,它引出了保罗·邓肯的问题。
So you were talking about universities, and I think that's a really good point, and it brings up Paul Duncan's question.
所以保罗·邓肯提出了一个问题,这正是我想知道答案的,他说:文化战争是如何被赢得的?
So Paul Duncan asked the question I basically want the answer to because I want to I he says, how are culture wars worn?
我需要知道,因为我不会罢休,直到英格兰每个集镇都竖起罗伯茨元帅勋爵的雕像。
I need to know because I want I will not rest until there's a statue of field marshal lord Roberts in every market town in England.
但可怜的邓肯说,如果你试图赢得一场文化战争,你该怎么做?这是一个关键问题。
But poor Duncan says, if you're trying to win a culture war, are you and it's a key question.
你是更应该试图改变人们的想法,还是依靠你所在时代的权力结构来强制推行你的立场?
Are you better off trying to change people's minds or to have your position enforced by the power structures of your time?
在你回答之前,汤姆,我在想宗教改革。
And before you give your answer, Tom, I was thinking about the reformation.
我是说,英格兰的宗教改革,总体上来说,我认为是相当不受欢迎的。
I mean, the reformation in England, the English reformation was was by and large, I would say, pretty unpopular.
你有朝圣之役。
I mean, you've the pilgrimage of grace.
你经历了一系列起义,还有祈祷书起义,以及诸如此类的各种事件。
You have a series of risings, and prayer book risings and all these kinds of things.
而宗教改革在我看来之所以成功,是因为它得到了上层的支持,或者说至少在某种程度上得到了国家的 backing,尽管有些模糊。
And the reformation, it seems to me, wins because it's backed from the top, or at least sort of fair you know, with a bit of ambiguity, but it's got the the state behind it.
但同时也因为英格兰是一个非常年轻的国家,人们很快就会遗忘。
But also because England is a very young country, and people forget quickly.
等到玛丽试图倒退历史时,她已经成为了一种截然不同的文化战士,她是一种保守型的文化战士,我想这么说吧——或者说至少我认为,大多数记得天主教英格兰的人已经去世,而年轻一代只熟悉新教英格兰。
And by the time Mary tries to turn back the clock, she's a culture warrior of a very different kind, because she's a kind of reactionary culture warrior, I suppose you'd say, or at least I'd say, most a lot of the people who remember Catholic England are dead, and younger people have grown up knowing only Protestant England.
所以在某种程度上,这只是一个比对手更持久的问题,而且我认为还要争取年轻人,这也是为什么我想问关于大学的问题。
So to some extent, it's just a question of outlasting your opponents, and and and I guess converting the young, which is why I wanted to ask about universities.
那么,你认为赢得文化战争的方式是通过学校和大学,还是完全依靠对国家的控制?
So do you think that is the way that you win a culture war through schools and universities, or is it all kind of control of the state?
你知道,如果鲍里斯·约翰逊在听,并且他想赢得他的文化战争,他能不能不靠大学就赢呢?我想这就是我的意思。
You you know, if Boris Johnson is listening and he wants to win his culture war, can he win without universities, I suppose, is what I'm saying?
我认为大学更重要。
I think the universities matter more.
而这正是格兰普斯主义的观点:通过文化来实现变革。
And then that's kind of the Grampsian idea that you affect change through culture.
我认为,最能生动体现这一点的例子,实际上几乎贯穿整个历史,就是我这一生中人们对同性恋态度的演变。
And I would say that the most dramatic illustration of that, I mean, almost in the in the whole of history, actually, is the evolution of attitudes to homosexuality over certainly my lifetime.
我出生前的几年,同性恋还是非法的。
Few years before I was born, it was illegal.
现在,几乎不支持同性恋才算是违法的。
Now essentially it's illegal not to support it.
我的孩子们大概很难想象,曾经有一个世界把同性恋视为犯罪。
And again, my children, I think, would find it kind of incomprehensible to imagine living in a world where it was regarded as criminal.
这显然是一个经典案例,说明公众态度的转变——我认为,这比个别政治人物介入要重要得多。
And that's obviously, I think that that's a kind of classic example of where the change of public attitudes, I think that was much more important than kind of individual politicians stepping in and
是的,完全正确。
Oh, absolutely.
我完全同意,像这样的事情还有反种族歧视,它们确实存在。
I completely I think isn't it there aren't things like that and also anti racism.
这些变化都是由体育推动的。
They're driven by sport.
它们是由时尚和文化推动的。
They're driven by Fashion and culture.
远比任何其他东西都更重要,是的。
Far more than anything in the yeah.
然后是的。
Then yeah.
但我也认为,接受一项事业的根本正义性,一旦某件事达到了某种临界点,就会变得非常非常难以反对。
But also, I think but also, I think accepting the essential justice of a cause, That once once once once once something becomes kind of, you know, attains a critical mass, then it becomes very, very difficult, I think, to oppose it.
这正是宗教改革发生的情况。
And that's kind of what happens with the Reformation.
这也是基督教化罗马世界的过程。
It's what happens with the Christianization of the Roman world.
在这一观点最初出现时,它可能对人们来说相当新颖和令人震惊。
That it that something can be quite kind of new and shocking to people in the in in the initial onset of this this perspective.
但一旦它扎根下来,就变成了标准。
But once it beds down, it just becomes the kind of standard.
非常非常快。
Very, very rapidly.
但这也关乎于你——大多数人并不想被视为怪人,对吧?
But it also is about you you want people don't want to be viewed as eccentrics, do they, by and large?
成功、有才华的人,或者梦想成功的人,他们并不希望持有那些可能导致他们被抵制的观点。
Successful, talented people, or people who dream of being successful, they espouse don't want views that will lead to their cancellation, as it were.
因此,从定义上讲,当人们步步高升时,他们更有可能顺应新的正统观念,而非旧的。
So by definition, as people come up the ladder, they're more likely to go with the new orthodoxy rather than the old.
但我认为这还不止如此。
But I think it's more than that.
我认为甚至不是‘我最好相信这个,否则我会被烧死或被赶出大学职位’之类的原因。
I think it's not even, oh, I better believe this or else I'll get burnt at the stake or thrown out of my university post or something.
我觉得人们只是觉得,我应该这样想,因为当然我应该这么想。
Think it's just people just think that this is what I should think because of course I should think.
当然,教皇是反基督者。
Of course the Pope is antichrist.
当然,同性婚姻绝对是应该的,我的意思是,这不过是你的想法而已。
Of course gay marriage is absolutely to be I mean, it's just what you think.
不过,这里有一个反例。
So here's a here's a counterexample, though.
整个二十世纪发生过一场巨大的文化战争,那就是共产主义对旧有文化的战争,而我们至今都没提到过。
Huge culture war, which we haven't mentioned at all, fought in the course of the twentieth century is communism's culture war on the old.
他们控制了大学。
So, they have control of the universities.
他们控制了学校。
They have control of schools.
我的意思是,他们对文化的控制程度是当今的文化战士们无法想象的,但这种控制却失效了。
I mean, they have control in a way that today's culture warriors couldn't dream of, but it doesn't work.
有趣的是,很多人 somehow 依然保留着旧的正统观念或旧观点。
And that's interesting that lots of people, they preserve somehow the old orthodoxes or the old views.
比如波兰人和他们的天主教信仰。
The Poles and their Catholicism, for example.
那么,你认为这种特定文化,尽管拥有如此强大的胜利工具,为什么却失败了呢?
So why do you think that particular culture, when they had all that apparatus of victory, didn't work?
因为从经济上来说它行不通,对吧?
Because it doesn't work economically, does it?
所以你觉得它的驱动力是经济因素,而不是
So you think it was driven it was about the economics rather
空谈
than talked
关于这一点在
about that in
共产主义这一套,其实是试图在地上创造天堂,但这与现实相冲突——因为这根本不可能,而且本质上,试图强加这种制度,可能本身就蕴含着走向专制的趋势。
the communism one that that that it's it's an attempt to create heaven on earth that rubs up against the fact that it's not possible and that essentially, you know, a a progress towards dictatorship perhaps is baked into the attempt to to impose it.
那么,我们最后来谈这一点吧。
Whereas Let's end with this then.
嘿。
Hey.
继续说。
Go on.
不。
No.
不。
No.
你打算
What are
说什么?
gonna say?
不。
No.
不。
No.
不。
No.
继续说。
Go on.
所以我们谈到了赢和输。
So we talked about winning and losing.
一定要分出输赢吗?还是可以妥协?
Does it have to be winning and losing, or can there be compromise?
你看,我经常看到的是,现在我戴上我那副通俗报纸编辑的帽子。
You see, what I see all the time is now this is I'm I'm now putting on my sort of popular newspaper hat.
我经常看到那些自诩高尚的人抱怨,说他们讨厌人为制造的文化战争。
I see all the time sort of high minded people moaning and saying, oh, they hate the confected culture war.
他们讨厌这一切。
They they hate all this.
但紧接着在下一段,他们又说自己多么坚定地要赢得这场战争,击垮对手,把博物馆里有问题的藏品统统撤掉之类的。
But then in the next paragraph, they then say how determined they are to win it and to crush their opponents and to strip museums of their problematic artifacts or whatever.
所以在我看来,他们显然很喜欢这场文化战争,或者只是想赢而已。
So it seems to me they patently clearly like the culture, or they just want to win it.
你认为在这些事情上能达成妥协吗?
Can there be a compromise in some of these things, do you think?
社会能否找到一条出路,还是必须像基督教徒在罗马或宗教改革时期那样,以一方彻底胜利告终?
Can societies find a way through, or must it end with victory as it did with the Christians, for example, in in, again, in Rome or indeed in the reformation?
是否必须有一方取得胜利?
Must it end with victory for one side or the other.
我的意思是,你曾论证过,我们当代文化的根源可以追溯到十八世纪的辉格党与托利党之争。
Well, I mean, you you you've argued that the roots of our contemporary culture was lying in the eighteenth century in the Whigs against Tories.
换句话说,那种争论的基本框架至今仍然存在。
I mean, essentially, the liniments of that argument of of of that con of that argument is still present today.
从某种意义上说,英国的议会制度和政党制度正是为了促进这两种对立观点之间的对话而演化的。
And there's a sense in which the parliamentary system, the party system in Britain evolves to create a dialogue between those two rival points of view.
所以我会说,可以。
So I would say yes.
当然。
Absolutely.
因为从某种意义上说,你可以看到,18世纪辉格党和托利党的继承者至今依然充满活力。
Because in a sense, I think that you can see that there are the inheritors of the Whig and Tory traditions of the eighteenth century are still going strong today.
从某种意义上说,我们的议会制度存在的目的,就是确保即使不一定达成妥协,至少人们也能在同一国家里和平共处,展开这些争论。
And that in a sense, our parliamentary system exists to ensure that if not necessarily compromise, then at least that people can live alongside each other in the same country and have these arguments.
你知道你不同意。
Know you disagree.
想要想要
Want want
汤姆的回答。
a Answer from Tom.
我想要彻底击败辉格党。
I want a total crushing defeat of the Whigs.
好的。
Okay.
嗯,文化上我以前挺喜欢辉格党的,但现在我完全讨厌他们了。
Well, culture I used to like the Whigs, but but but I've now just taken against them completely.
好的。
Okay.
所以,汤姆,这场具体的战斗我认为结束了。
So this particular battle, think, Tom, is over.
你该撤退去舔舐伤口,为接下来的战争做准备。
You should retreat to lick your wounds for the war, of course.
你赢了。
You have won.
当然,战争还在继续。
War, of course, continues.
这个播客也同样如此。
As indeed does this podcast.
所以我们下周会回来,汤姆,继续讨论法国大革命,另一场非常精彩的意识形态之争。
So we will be back, Tom, next week with the French Revolution, another very good culture war.
但在那之前,我们还会再回来。
But before that, we'll be back.
但在那之前,我们回来了,哦,是的。
But before that before that, we're back Oh, yes.
本期播客将讲述一场真正的战争——七年战争。
With with a podcast episode on a literal war, the Seven Years' War.
七年战争。
Seven Years' War.
所以,所以。
So So
七年战争,不是文化战争。
Seven Years' War, not a culture war.
而法国大革命,绝对是文化战争。
Then the French Revolution, definitely a culture war.
绝对是。
Definitely is.
然后是与彭·沃格勒一起探讨美食,一种不同于以往的饮食史视角。
And then food with Pen Vogler, a variant to any food history.
当然,食物也是一种不同类型的文化战争。
And the food, of course, is a culture war of a different kind.
断头台、派、七年战争,我们全都有。
Guillotines, pies, seven years war, we've got them all.
说到这里,再见,从我这里再见。
On that note, goodbye from me, and goodbye from me.
感谢收听《历史的余音》。
Thanks for listening to the rest is history.
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网址是 restishistorypod.com。
That's restishistorypod.com.
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